scholarly journals The policy mood in Spain: the thermostat in a warm climate, 1978–2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle ◽  
Agustí Bosch ◽  
Lluís Orriols

AbstractRepresentative democracies are supposed to be uniquely virtuous in that they ensure that public preferences drive public policy. Dynamic representation is the outcome of a recurring interaction between electorate and parties that can be observed at the macro level. Preferences can shape government policy via two possible mechanisms. ‘Policy accomodation’ suggests that governments respond directly to the electorate’s preferences. ‘Electoral turnover’, on the other hand, assumes that preferences shape policy indirectly. Parties pursue their ideological goals, and public preferences respond ‘thermostatically’ by moving in the opposite direction to policy. This causes voters to switch votes and eventually leads to a turnover of power from one ‘side’ to ‘the other’. In this paper, we estimate preferences for government activity (‘the policy mood’) in Spain between 1978 and 2017. We show that mood responds ‘thermostatically’ to policy. Variations in mood are associated with support for parties. Policy is driven by party control but is not thermostatically responsive to mood. It appears that in Spain – like Britain – dynamic representation can only be achieved by electoral turnover. We consider the implications of this for our understanding of how representation works.

1986 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 15-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus D. Pohlmann

PurposeI wish to describe a role-playing simulation, as opposed to an educational game. A game normally has an elaborate set of rules and requires participants to function within the logic of its own reality. A role-playing simulation, on the other hand, allows the participants to maintain their own personalities and values as they interact within far more general roles and rules, creating a unique reality each time. The goal of this particular simulation is to overcome a public policy problem within a simulated political environment.


Focaal ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 2004 (44) ◽  
pp. 72-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Filippucci

In France, the classic produit du terroir, the local product that with its mix of skill and raw materials embodies the distinctive tie between people and their terroir (soil), is cheese. Thus, when inhabitants of the Argonne say that it “does not even have a cheese”, they imply that it lacks a patrimoine (cultural heritage). On the other hand, they do make passionate claims about 'being Argonnais', conveying a marked recognition of, and attachment to, a named place in relation to which they identify themselves and others. Focusing on this paradox, this article will highlight certain assumptions regarding the definition of cultural heritage found in public policy.


Author(s):  
Margaret Jane Radin

This book examines standardized form contracts, also known as boilerplate. In the past, “contract” was interpreted as a bargained-for exchange transaction between two parties who each consent to the exchange. Bargained-for exchange represents contract in a world of voluntary agreement—World A (for Agreement). Standardized form contracts, on the other hand, belong to World B (for Boilerplate). World B doesn't fit the theory, the rationale, of contract law. This book explores judicial oversight of boilerplate through the legal doctrines of unconscionability and voidness as against public policy, among others. It also considers the problem of boilerplate rights deletion schemes as well as attempts to bring such schemes under the aegis of traditional contract theories. This chapter provides an overview of worlds A and B as well as varieties of World B contracts, boilerplate as a method of contract formation, and two problems arising from boilerplate: normative degradation and democratic degradation.


Author(s):  
Joshua C. Gellers

Could robots have rights? On the one hand, robots are becoming increasingly human-like in appearance and behavior. On the other hand, legal systems around the world are increasingly recognizing the rights of nonhuman entities. Observing these macro-level trends, in this paper I present an ecological framework for evaluating the conditions under which some robots might be considered eligible for certain rights. I argue that a critical, materialist, and broadly ecological interpretation of the environment, along with decisions by jurists establishing or upholding the rights of nature, support extension of rights to nonhuman entities like robots.


There are few studies on the macro-level dynamics of networks. These dynamics affect the whole network and concern non-local changes. Macro-level changes almost always stem from reasons outside the network. We observe this in its most typical form when the network population increases or decreases in an unusual manner. We cannot correlate such a population change with the relations of actors or the dyad, triad, or intergroup behaviors within the scope of these relations as it was the case in microo r meso-level dynamics. Sudden changes in population in a social network may“disturb” the established order and, therefore, may affect individual communicative relations. Population growth, on the other hand, might result in a revival in terms of other aspects. This chapter these macro-level dynamics.


Politik ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian F Rostbøll

Regarding issues of immigration, there is a sharp contrast between Danish public opinion and public policy on the one hand and liberal political theory on the other hand. This article analyzes whether it is a problem for liberal theory that argues for more open borders to be so far removed from public opinion and vice versa. Considering issues of realism, epistemology, and democracy it is discussed how directly policy-related political theory ought to be. 


Author(s):  
Anne Kaun ◽  
Carina Guyard

This chapter presents a survey study on attitudes towards political campaigning in social media. During the national election in Sweden in 2010, a considerable amount of resources was invested in online communication with the constituency, not least in social media. Whereas several studies have focused on e-democracy at a macro level, there is a lack of studies examining the phenomenon of campaigning 2.0 as it is perceived by the actual voters. This chapter, therefore, asks the question whether the voters noticed the political campaigning in social media at all, and if so, how they perceived it. The main findings are that respondents who were already interested and politically engaged considered campaigning 2.0, in line with the politicians’ rhetoric, as a way to enhance democracy. Respondents who were neither interested nor engaged in politics, on the other hand, showed little interest in this kind of communication. Consequently, the study confirms assumptions about digital divide and continued fragmentation of the citizenry.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Dickinson

When men reflect about government, whether practically or academically, they always turn up, if they think deeply enough, two central problems: first, how to ensure that government shall do what it is supposed to do, and secondly, how to ensure that it shall not do other things. One is the problem of efficiency, the other the problem of control; and around the two is built most, perhaps all, of the so-called science of politics. At some periods the need for control seems the more vital and pressing. It seemed so to Englishmen, for example, during the two centuries following the accession of the Stuarts. At other times and places the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction, and in fifteenth century Europe, as in contemporary Italy, the dominant desire was for government strong enough and untrammelled enough to stem successfully a rising tide of disorder. Each age strikes its own balance in favor of one principle or the other, and thereby touches the opposite principle into action to redress the balance at some new point of readjustment.The competing claims of efficiency and control have often expressed themselves in the form of controversy concerning the comparative merits of government by discretion and govern-ment by law—or, in Harrington's phrase, a government of laws and a government of men. In this form the conflict has left its mark everywhere on political thought since Aristotle. Discretion means freedom for government to choose among possible alternatives of action. As one judge has said, “In honest plain language it means ‘Do as you like.’” It is thus a condition of efficiency, but it is very apt to exact the price of arbitrariness. Law, on the other hand, requires that government shall act by set rule, shall limit itself to a particular way of acting in each particular situation. It seeks to eliminate choice in favor of certainty; it narrows the possible range of governmental action in order that such action may be predicted and controlled in advance.


1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-359

AbstractIn a judgment delivered by the Dubai Court of Cassation, where the Court of Cassation upheld the judgment delivered by the lower courts, the court held that as per Article 104 of the UAE Provisional Constitution, the judicial authority in Dubai was independent from the federal judicial authorities application in the other emirates. Therefore it was not admissible for the parties to contract to agree to give jurisdiction to the Dubai Court unless the Dubai Court already has jurisdiction to hear the matter. Therefore, the parties cannot give jurisdiction to the Dubai Court by contract if the jurisdiction falls originally within the jurisdiction of another emirate, as this will be contrary to the public policy and the UAE Constitution. If the jurisdiction falls in the federal court, the matter should be brought before the federal court and not the Dubai Court as Dubai has an independent judicial system. On the other hand, if the matter falls within the jurisdiction of the Dubai Court, the matter may not be litigated in another federal court. The parties therefore may not contract to give jurisdiction either to the federal or the local court, unless that court has jurisdiction, by virtue of a contractual arrangement between the parties.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (04) ◽  
pp. 1250023 ◽  
Author(s):  
KRISTEN HUDAK

This paper explores how the overall development of the financial sector and the regulatory framework impact national levels of microfinance outreach. It finds that microfinance tends to serve more clients in less developed, less competitive financial systems. However, it also finds that the microfinance sector is able to reach more clients where government policy is conducive to business development. These seemingly contradictory findings have important implications for the future of microfinance. On the one hand, the success of microfinance can be strengthened by broader business-oriented reforms. On the other hand, it may lose relevance as the formal financial sector develops and reaches more of the population.


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