scholarly journals An Empirical Look at U.S. Treaty Practice: Some Preliminary Conclusions

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 57-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy Galway Buys
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Preliminary Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Downward Trend ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Multilateral Treaties

The title of this Agora and the first question it poses both ask whether treaties are in decline. With respect to multilateral treaties to which the United States is a party, the answer is a clear yes.According to the U.S. State Department’s Treaties in Force database, the United States became a party to a record number of 105 multilateral treaties between 1990 and 1999. As set forth in Graph A below, during the period 2000–2009, the number of multilateral treaties the United States joined dropped to just 62, the lowest number since the 1960s. The preliminary data from the first part of this decade beginning in 2010 suggests that this downward trend continues, but it is still too early in the decade to draw any definitive conclusions.

U.S. Center for SafeSport: Preventing Abuse in Sports

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Johnson ◽  
Katie Hanna ◽  
Julie Novak ◽  
Angelo P. Giardino
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Risk Factors ◽  
Sexual Abuse ◽  
Preliminary Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sport Organizations ◽  
The Many ◽  
And Training ◽  
The U.S

While society at large recognizes the many benefits of sport, it is important to also recognize and prevent factors that can lead to an abusive environment. This paper seeks to combine the current research on abuse in the sport environment with the work of the U.S. Center for SafeSport. The inclusion of risk factors unique to sport and evidence-informed practices provides framing for the scope and response to sexual abuse in sport organizations in the United States. The paper then explores the creation and mission of the U.S. Center for SafeSport, including the role of education in prevention and of policy, procedures, audit, and compliance as important aspects of a comprehensive safeguarding strategy. This paper provides preliminary data on the reach of the Center, established in 2017. This data captures the scope of education and training and the increase in reports to the Center from within the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement.

Toward Delinking: An Alternative Chinese Path Amid the New Cold War

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-31
Author(s):  
Sit Tsui ◽  
Erebus Wong ◽  
Lau Kin Chi ◽  
Wen Tiejun
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The United States ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Way

During the 1960s, China was effectively excluded from the two major camps: the Soviet camp and the U.S. camp. For about a decade, China was obliged to seek development within its own borders and thereby achieved some extent of delinking: a refusal to succumb to U.S.-eurocentric globalization and an embrace of a people's agenda of development. While foreign relations were later normalized and China once again brought in foreign capital, since being explicitly targeted as the primary rival of the United States, however, the situation may again warrant moves toward delinking and searching for alternatives, with ups and downs along the way.

Point Four, Utah State University Technicians, and Rural Development in Iran, 1950–64

Rural History ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
JESSIE EMBRY
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Rural Development ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
State University ◽  
Utah State University ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Point Four Program ◽  
The U.S

In 1950 Iran and the United States signed the first Point Four agreement, establishing a program now known as USAID. It fulfilled President Harry S. Truman's desire to control the Soviet bloc and to share technology with third world countries. Utah State University contracted with the U.S. Point Four program to provide technicians in agriculture from 1951 to 1954. This paper examines the successes and the frustrations that the Utahns felt in transporting technology to Iran. While there were some successes, the cultural and economic difficulties were hard to overcome. As a result, the technicians in the 1960s experienced the same problems faced by those in the 1950s. These included a negative reaction to farm machinery in a land with many laborers, problems training machinery operators, and language barriers.

1964

Peyote Effect ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Dawson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Native American ◽  
First Amendment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Native American Church ◽  
Bona Fide ◽  
Federal Laws ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S

As the United States moved toward a ban on peyote during the 1960s, the courts were forced to confront the First Amendment claims of Native American peyotists. This chapter explores the deployment of the concept of “bona fide” religious belief, which became the means through which an exemption for Native American peyotists was enshrined in U.S. law. The courts attempted to measure this through a series of metrics: whether or not other drugs were used, whether or not ceremonies took place within a formally organized church, and the extent to which these practices could be said to be traditional. More troubling was the fact that the courts and later the U.S. government relied on race as a basis for evaluating these claims, particularly after the Native American Church exemption was enshrined in federal laws that made peyote a schedule-one drug. Federal law made exceptions for the Native American Church only so long as those enjoying the exemption were also at least one-quarter Indian by blood. We see here, then, the role that the state’s obsession with race played in ensuring that Native American Church chapters became exclusively indigenous churches, reshaping the Native American Church in the process.

YOUTH POLITICAL AND CULTURAL MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE UNITED STATES INVASION IN VIETNAM IN THE 1960S

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Agnes Yudita Larasatiningrum
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Youth Movement ◽  
Youth Movements ◽  
Significant Movement ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cultural Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S

History has shown us that the most successful progressive movements have been intergenerational. Thus, this article will deeply examine about youth movements in the U.S specifically on youth movement against the U.S invasion in Vietnam War around 1960s. Vietnam War was the first modern American conflict that seriously affected the United States not only politically, but also socio-culturally. It will be explored how youth generation has become a breakthrough in American history since it was the most significant movement of its kind in the nation’s history. According to Karl Mannheim one generation is not fully continuity of the elder generation, but they could be different and challenging the established form. Youth tend to reject the US involvement in the Vietnam War because there is a gap between the ideals they have learned from older generations and the realities they have experienced.Keywords: U.S. Youth Movement, Vietnam War, and Generational Cohorts.

To “Keep the Genie Bottled Up”: U.S. Diplomacy, Nuclear Proliferation, and Gas Centrifuge Technology, 1962–1972

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-157
Author(s):  
William Burr
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Proliferation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Export Controls ◽  
Gaseous Diffusion ◽  
Gas Centrifuge ◽  
Japanese Law ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Overseas Development

In the 1960s and early 1970s, U.S. policymakers maintained a complex effort to limit the dissemination of gas centrifuge technology for enriching uranium, which they saw as an inherent nuclear proliferation risk. Recognizing that controls could not stop scientific research and development, U.S. officials nevertheless believed the overseas development of gas centrifuge technology could be slowed. To prevent further dissemination overseas, the United States supported cooperation with European allies that were already developing the technology. Cooperation involved implementation of secrecy and export controls, although a U.S. initiative to include Japan failed because nuclear secrecy was incompatible with Japanese law. The United States tried to deflect Japan's interest in the gas centrifuge by offering to share an alternative technology, gaseous diffusion, for enrichening uranium. That initiative failed, but the U.S. government remained committed to keeping enrichment technologies under secrecy controls.

Red, White, and “Big Blue”: IBM and the Business-Government Interface in the United States, 1956–2000

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
David Hart
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personalized Approach ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
External Forces ◽  
The U.S

This article describes the evolution of IBM's effort to manage its relationships with the U.S. government from the time that Thomas Watson, Jr. became CEO. While the Watson family controlled the firm, the family members served as the main bridges between IBM and the government. This personalized approach began to give way in the 1960s, as the intensity and scope of pressure from the firm's political environment grew beyond the capability of any individual to handle. During the 1970s and 1980s, IBM constructed a managerial hierarchy, with a newly opened Washington office at its center, which could gather more detailed intelligence and execute more sophisticated political strategies. The firm's crisis in the early 1990s provoked a second major restructuring of the interface, as IBM became more of a Washington “special interest.” Yet, some traces of the Watson imprint remained, even in the Gerstner era. Tracing IBM's evolution helps us to understand better the broader interactions between U.S. firms and their environments in this period. These interactions entailed adaptation by firms to environmental change but also efforts by firms to exert control over external forces, including public policy.

scholarly journals BETWEEN THE GOOD NEIGHBOR POLICY AND THE LATIN AMERICAN “BOOM”:

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Victoria Livingstone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Literature ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Latin American Literature ◽  
The United States ◽  
Brazilian Literature ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The U.S

This article studies the translation of Brazilian literature in the United States between 1930 and the end of the 1960s. It analyzes political, historical and economic factors that influenced the publishing market for translations in the U.S., focusing on the editorial project of Alfred A. Knopf, the most influential publisher for Latin American literature in the U.S. during this period, and Harriet de Onís, who translated approximately 40 works from Spanish and Portuguese into English. In addition to translating authors such as João Guimarães Rosa and Jorge Amado, de Onís worked as a reader for Knopf, recommending texts for translation. The translator’s choices reflected the demands of the market and contributed to forming the canon of Brazilian literature translated in the United States.

Abandoned in Place: Interpreting the U.S. Material Culture of the Moon Race

2009 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-38
Author(s):  
Roger D. Launius
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Material Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Moon ◽  
Control Center ◽  
Kennedy Space Center ◽  
Kennedy Space ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Langley Research Center ◽  
The U.S

Abstract The U.S. space race of the 1960s was an enormous undertaking, costing $$25.4 billion (about $$125 billion in 2009 dollars) with only the building of the Panama Canal rivalling the Apollo program's size as the largest nonmilitary technological endeavor ever undertaken by the United States. In the process, the United States built a massive infrastructure to support missions to the Moon. In the aftermath of the successful completion of the program, much of this infrastructure was abandoned, some was altered for other uses, and much torn down. This paper surveys six major cultural landmarks of the Moon race, assessing their differing fates:1. The Apollo Launch Pads——LC 39A and B——Kennedy Space Center, Florida.2. The Vertical Assembly Building (VAB), Kennedy Space Center, Florida.3. Mission Control Center (MCC), Johnson Space Center, Houston, Texas.4. Six Apollo landing sites on the Moon.5. Lunar Landing Research Facility, Langley Research Center, Hampton, Virginia.6. Apollo Command Modules on display in various museums around the nation, and in London.

An American Language

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Language Recognition ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.

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