scholarly journals Phytolith assemblage analysis for the identification of rice paddy

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiujia Huan ◽  
Houyuan Lu ◽  
Jianping Zhang ◽  
Can Wang
Author(s):  
Haiming Tang ◽  
Chao Li ◽  
Lihong Shi ◽  
Li Wen ◽  
Kaikai Cheng ◽  
...  

Abstract Soil organic matter (SOM) and its fractions play an important role in maintaining or improving soil quality and soil fertility. Therefore, the effects of a 34-year long-term fertilizer regime on six functional SOM fractions under a double-cropping rice paddy field of southern China were studied in the current paper. The field experiment included four different fertilizer treatments: chemical fertilizer alone (MF), rice straw residue and chemical fertilizer (RF), 30% organic manure and 70% chemical fertilizer (OM) and without fertilizer input as control (CK). The results showed that coarse unprotected particulate organic matter (cPOM), biochemically, physically–biochemically and chemically protected silt-sized fractions (NH-dSilt, NH-μSilt and H-dSilt) were the main carbon (C) storage fractions under long-term fertilization conditions, accounting for 16.7–26.5, 31.1–35.6, 16.2–17.3 and 7.5–8.2% of the total soil organic carbon (SOC) content in paddy soil, respectively. Compared with control, OM treatment increased the SOC content in the cPOM, fine unprotected POM fraction, pure physically protected fraction and physico-chemically protected fractions by 58.9, 106.7, 117.6 and 28.3%, respectively. The largest proportion of SOC to total SOC in the different fractions was biochemically protected, followed by chemically and unprotected, and physically protected were the smallest. These results suggested that a physical protection mechanism plays an important role in stabilizing C of paddy soil. In summary, the results showed that higher functional SOM fractions and physical protection mechanism play an important role in SOM cycling in terms of C sequestration under the double-cropping rice paddy field.


Ecosphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chia‐Ying Ko ◽  
Satoshi Asano ◽  
Meng‐Ju Lin ◽  
Tohru Ikeya ◽  
Elfritzson M. Peralta ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Liu ◽  
Yueqin Cheng ◽  
Yang Liu ◽  
Danyan Chen ◽  
Yin Chen ◽  
...  

An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via a link at the top of the paper.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shigeya Maeda ◽  
Tatsuya Nagamochi ◽  
Toshihiko Kawachi ◽  
Junichiro Takeuchi

1961 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 134-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Leeds

Few courses in anthropology have been taught as such at the high school level in the United States. Nevertheless, both in high schools and in elementary schools, and more particularly in the private schools, information which the anthropologists consider their own special interest has been used. Thus, children may be taught information about the Eskimo, apparently the favorite culture to represent the non-Western world and almost undoubtedly the only primitive one existing in the curriculum-makers' Baedeker, although an occasional bow in made to the American plains or Southwest. Now and then, studies of the major Asian countries are made whose focus is cultural rather than properly geographical. Other cultures, ranging up to the most complex, ordinarily appear to be brought into a curriculum more as functions of the description of the locations inhabited by humans than as descriptions, informed by some conception as to the nature of culture, of the specific cultures themselves. In short, one may safely assert, I believe, that the students get some sense of the variations exhibited by societies but mostly as curiosa and oddities of peculiar peoples. They do not get a sense of the cultural necessities of variation and differences as these derive from the technological articulations with environment. Rather, variation and differences are presented as if they were more or less accidentally associated with particular kinds of geographic features. Children appear rarely to be taught that there is such a class of events as technologies which can systematically be studied like geography or economics. Rather, they become familiar only with technical activities which they see as scattered hither and yon rather planlessly on the earth's far-away surfaces, activities such as camel-herding here, rice-paddy planting there. Certainly they get no sense of the effects of technology as a formal determinant of social structure and as conditioners of ideologies; far less are they presented, or do they achieve, a notion of culture as a total system. Much less are they led to see culture as a system which operates by its own laws, which has its own distinguishing characteristics and process, and whose variants cannot be reduced to any known ultimate value hierarchy. Thus, by learning mere esoterica, they are prevented from learning the fundamental first step required of all anthropologists, the scientific and ethical principle of cultural relativism. Consequently, too, they are prevented from learning the kind of perspective on world, culture, and self which anthropology can afford.


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