Pushing Soft Power: Middle Power Diplomacy at the UN

Author(s):  
Katie Verlin Laatikainen
Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyu-Deug Hwang

* The first version of this paper was presented at the Fifth European Conference on African Studies (ecas 5), which was held on June 27-29, 2013 at iscte-iul Lisboa, Portugal. I am deeply grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments on the previous drafts. This work was supported by Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Research Fund of 2014. The rise of China as an emergent global power in gaining access to energy and mineral resources is one of the main factors for reinforcing Korea’s aid to Africa. Although Korea recognizes the limits of searching for ways of furthering its ‘resource diplomacy’ based primarily on economic pragmatism, the Korean government has strived to utilize foreign aid as a tool for soft power. Korea’s perspective is to play a bigger role in addressing global issues as well as to aspire in becoming a middle power, in the sense that it is not regionally influential in spite of its growing powers. Given that middle power diplomacy tends to pursue a norm-based approach and also provides knowledge and/or ideas relevant to a unique niche that it finds important, it is characteristically soft power-oriented. Taking into account the non-material or ideational factors as well as material ones, constructivists in the field of international relations (ir) recognize the power of ideas, norms, institutions, and interests, which contain the core elements of what Nye calls soft power. In this context, this paper attempts to illuminate some of the important questions as to why and how Korea has endeavored to focus on developing its soft power strategy toward Africa in the new millennium.


Author(s):  
Nina Græger

Middle powers have played a key role in supporting global governance, a rules-based order, and human rights norms. Apart from conveying and effectuating global solidarity and responsibility, multilateral cooperation has been an arena where middle powers seek protection and leverage relatively modest power to greater effect, sometimes as “helpful fixers” to great powers. This article argues that geopolitical revival and the contestation of the liberal order are challenging middle powers' traditional sheltering policies, based on empirical evidence from the Norwegian case. First, the weakening of multilateral organizations is making middle powers more vulnerable to great power rivalry and geopolitics, and Norway's relationship with Russia is particularly pointed. Second, existing shelters such as NATO and bilateral cooperation with the US are negatively affected by the latter's anti-liberal foreign policies, making looser sheltering frameworks important supplements. While Norway's and other middle powers' traditional policies within the “soft power” belt may continue, “doing good” may become less prioritized, due to the need for security.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Olusola Ogunnubi

Studies on South African post-apartheid foreign policy have evolved through four distinctive strands: the estimative, the new dispensation, the ambiguity and strategic engagement. In this article, I attempt to illustrate that a burgeoning thread is noticeable in recent times within the fourth strand offering a marked perspective on the ideational and utilitarian substance of soft power for South Africa’s foreign policy and within the discursive context of its regional/middle power status. In considering the varied arguments submitted by scholars in this regard, the article uncovers three significant thematic positions. First, the cultivation and utilisation of soft power instruments present multiple platforms for expanding South Africa’s global reputation and regional influence. Second, soft power has been the fulcrum of South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy. Third and definitely no less important, this new body of analysis offer critical explanation into the international moral authority and global acceptance that South Africa ostensibly enjoys over and above other regional competitors. Drawing on Alden and Schoeman’s ‘symbolic representivity’ narrative, I argue that it is on the basis of these three interrelated assertions that South Africa’s putative hegemonic reference thrives.


Author(s):  
Chua Beng Huat

Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about turning the popularity of its pop culture into an instrument to influence its consumers in Japan and, especially China. Japan’s ability to exercise cultural influence is limited by the potential push-back from memories its colonization of Korea and war time atrocities in China. With a nascent media industry, China is currently at a disadvantage because it is a net importer of pop culture; however, its massive consumption power has begun to force foreign producers to seek co-production opportunities with Chinese companies in order to avoid being kept out by import restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Co-production gives the Chinese counterparts the right to control the content of the programs, than an ideological advantage. In view of the soft power competition, the idea of pan-East Asian cinema seems to be a project deferred rather than one that is imminent.


2020 ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
Amin Saikal

The Islamic Republic of Iran is described by some pundits as a “middle power,” or as an influential regional player, without whose cooperation not many Gulf and Middle Eastern problems can be satisfactorily addressed. The republic has achieved a level of power and resource capability to be able to impact geopolitical developments within its region and beyond, in support of what it regards as its national interests. The country’s economic and hard and soft power, along with its size, geographical position, culture, and riches drawn from oil and gas, are taken into account in this respect. It is therefore able to affect events, positively or negatively, in its neighborhood, and to deal with major powers from a bargaining position at bilateral and multilateral levels.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Tasha Regina Adriana

In 2016, the people of South Korea jointly voiced their anger after the corruption committed by Park Geun-Hye and her aide was revealed. National Assembly then voted to impeach Park Geun-Hye, resulting her departure from her post on March 10, 2017. Subsequently, Moon Jae-In succeeded her position as president in May 2017. A year in the office, his administration saw how the scandal that involved the previous president could bring an adverse impact on South Korea's image and as well as jeopardize its position as a middle power. Under the presidency of Moon Jae-In, South Korea moves to use soft power and public diplomacy as a strategy to restore its image. This paper will discuss the strategy of Moon Jae-In’s administration in using both soft power and public diplomacy to maintain its position as a middle power. Public diplomacy approach will be used to analyze how Moon Jae-In strategizes. At the end of the writing, there will be conclusions that discuss how the strategy has gradually brought an impact on South Korea in the eyes of the world.


Author(s):  
Lloyd Axworthy

This chapter examines the impact of the Ottawa Process on the use of antipersonnel landmines as well as its significance to foreign policy analysis. The Ottawa Process led to the signing of an international treaty to ban the use and trading of landmines in 1997. It also contributed to the concept of human security and the emerging global principle of responsibility to protect. The chapter first considers the dynamic between governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) leading up to the launch of the Ottawa Process before discussing how middle power countries worked with NGOs and used soft power diplomacy to achieve a ban on landmines. It also explores the utility of the Ottawa Process as a model for recent international efforts, including the Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, the establishment of the International Criminal Court, and the treaties on cluster munitions and the trade in small arms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Garth Le Pere

This article represents a synthetic overview of the key themes which have animated scholarly research in South Africa's foreign policy over the last two decades. These themes will be addressed and are situated against the broad contextual background of important philosophical challenges, transitional developments, and managerial dilemmas during the formative presidential periods of Mandela and Mbeki. This context provides the analytical parameters for the focus on six themes which arguably shape debates and thinking about the conduct of South Africa's foreign policy, namely: the institutional dynamics at the level of the state; the multilateral and global agenda; trade and economic diplomacy; the peace, security, and mediation dimension; the donor and development assistance role; and the scourge of xenophobia. These themes will continue to exercise a profound influence on the collective endeavour of South Africa's foreign policy community to sustain its standing as a middle-power with soft power assets that is able to shape African and global agendas. Arising from these thematic considerations, some concluding thoughts highlight on-going normative, substantive, and policy challenges for the Zuma administration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 137 (8) ◽  
pp. 1043-1051 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuke Morimoto ◽  
Shintaro Negishi ◽  
Satoshi Takayama ◽  
Atsushi Ishigame

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