scholarly journals Diplomasi Publik Korea Selatan sebagai Kekuatan Menengah di Bawah Kepresidenan Moon Jae In

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Tasha Regina Adriana

In 2016, the people of South Korea jointly voiced their anger after the corruption committed by Park Geun-Hye and her aide was revealed. National Assembly then voted to impeach Park Geun-Hye, resulting her departure from her post on March 10, 2017. Subsequently, Moon Jae-In succeeded her position as president in May 2017. A year in the office, his administration saw how the scandal that involved the previous president could bring an adverse impact on South Korea's image and as well as jeopardize its position as a middle power. Under the presidency of Moon Jae-In, South Korea moves to use soft power and public diplomacy as a strategy to restore its image. This paper will discuss the strategy of Moon Jae-In’s administration in using both soft power and public diplomacy to maintain its position as a middle power. Public diplomacy approach will be used to analyze how Moon Jae-In strategizes. At the end of the writing, there will be conclusions that discuss how the strategy has gradually brought an impact on South Korea in the eyes of the world.

Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 49-65
Author(s):  
Binod Khanda Timilsana

Soft power, according to Nye, is a particular power of attraction to a state based on the appeal of its culture, political values, and foreign policies (Nye Jr. 2004, p. 11, 2008, p. 96). In the changing paradigms of state powers from military strength, economic might, political power, technological competency to soft power endeavors, identification of own soft power is the process of measuring own strength. Hard power measures can be observed from out sides as well but soft power potentialities will not appear easily without systematic attempt to expose them in front of international actors. Hard power measurement is easy and more exact than soft power qualities. There are very limited academic attempts visible in identification of Nepal’s soft power. Great soft powers of the world are visible and measurable through soft power indices developed by different think tanks and research agencies. The soft power 30 and Global Soft Power Index are exemplary forums engaged in ranking states in terms of soft powers. Reputation, influence, political values, culture, foreign policies, enterprise, culture, digital, governance, engagements and education are the indicators of soft power. The newly explained taxonomy of soft power includes four subunits of soft power namely resources, instruments, receptions and outcomes. Buddhism is a powerful soft power resource of Nepal. Conflict resolution and peace process model of Nepal is another potential soft power. Culture, engagement in multilateral global and regional forum, natural beauty with the world is highest Mt. Everest, diasporic community of Nepal, social networks, public diplomacy and personal diplomacy are remarkable soft power properties of Nepal. Nonetheless, identification of Nepal’s soft power is in very preliminary phase.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toshio Miyake

Axis Powers Hetalia (2006–present), a Japanese gag comic and animation series, depicts relations between nations personified as cute boys against a background of World War I and World War II. The stereotypical rendering of national characteristics as well as the reduction of historically charged issues into amusing quarrels between nice-looking but incompetent boys was immensely popular, especially among female audiences in Japan and Asia, and among Euro-American manga, anime, and cosplay fans, but it also met with vehement criticism. Netizens from South Korea, for example, considered the Korean character insulting and in early 2009 mounted a protest campaign that was discussed in the Korean national assembly. Hetalia's controversial success relies to a great extent on the inventive conflation of male-oriented otaku fantasies about nations, weapons, and concepts represented as cute little girls, and of female-oriented yaoi parodies of male-male intimacy between powerful "white" characters and more passive Japanese ones. This investigation of the original Hetalia by male author Hidekaz Himaruya (b. 1985) and its many adaptations in female-oriented dōjinshi (fanzine) texts and conventions (between 2009 and 2011, Hetalia was by far the most adapted work) refers to notions of interrelationality, intersectionality, and positionality in order to address hegemonic representations of "the West," the orientalized "Rest" of the world, and "Japan" in the cross-gendered and sexually parodied mediascape of Japanese transnational subcultures.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kambiz Abdi ◽  
Mahdi Talebpour ◽  
Jami Fullerton ◽  
Mohammad Javad Ranjkesh ◽  
Hadi Jabbari Nooghabi

As sport has become an integral part of society, it has also become a tool for diplomacy around the world. The purpose of this study is to introduce a sports diplomacy model and identify “the critical abilities” for converting sport soft power tools into resources for diplomatic outcomes. The data for this research comprise 30 online surveys completed by international experts in the fields of sports and public diplomacy. The responses were qualitatively analyzed using the fuzzy Delphi method (FDM). After running two rounds of fuzzy Delphi, two main strategies for sports diplomacy emerged—maintaining “official and sports diplomacy solidarity” and using sport figures as “competent cultural ambassadors.” The proposed model includes the most applicable sports diplomacy resources, the most expected diplomatic outcomes, and the major conversion tools (skillful strategies) in the viewpoint of sports and public diplomacy experts. The application of the model finds that states can expect diplomatic outcomes if appropriate sports diplomacy resources and conversion strategies are implemented in an orderly, innovative and accurate manner.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-19
Author(s):  
Callula Salsabillah

In today's world of international politics, the value for world countries in follow-up with other countries using a ceasefire or military use in a state of persistence has long been abandoned. A new approach in the form of Diplomacy that belongs to the concept of soft power is a more effective and efficient approach if used by various countries, especially to achieve national interests and foreign policy objectives. Various types of Diplomacy are often used but the approach of Public Diplomacy is the priority of various countries, especially in East Asia to exert influence globally and gain the interests of their countries. But in its application, especially in regions that use Public Diplomacy massively, this method can encounter failures or challenges in order to achieve its main objectives. Competition in the use of Public Diplomacy between countries in East Asia becomes an interesting discussion because in the 21st century, 3 pillar countries of East Asia are promoting diplomacy to the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 355
Author(s):  
Thaer Tahir Fadel

In a rapidly changing world where new global challenges are striking their wings all over the world, it is recognized in the modern world that CTI is one of the engines of social and economic development and the drive for globalization. It will be more effective in the future. One of the solutions to these changes lies in science, technology and innovation. Science, technology and innovation are an engine for the task of economic development, but at the same time pose new challenges, as they contribute to the restructuring of the present world in the foreseeable future. In the same context, science, technology and innovation have a growing size in all areas of modern society, and this is manifest in the current international relations and the international presence of a country and its image in the world. The ability to bring about scientific and technological developments, innovation or attract talent are fundamental aspects of soft power and public diplomacy, and represent a framework for the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-212
Author(s):  
Jiyoon (Karen) Han ◽  
Sung-Un Yang

Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as a part of new public diplomacy. The study specifically investigates NGO’s use of soft power and social media and how they collaborate with the government. This study utilizes qualitative analysis to investigate how an NGO called the Voluntary Agency Network of Korea (VANK) influences the national reputation of South Korea. In-depth interviews were conducted with VANK employees and officers from Korean government agencies who have expertise in promoting Seoul, South Korea, and Korean culture and have previously collaborated with VANK. Findings show that VANK shares functional roles with the government to convey positive information about South Korea based on boundary-spanning theory. VANK specifically demonstrates expertise in correcting misconceptions about Korea online and implanting positive images of Korea to foreigners by actively employing its extensive networks, social media, and soft power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Ingrid d’Hooghe

Summary China’s growing confidence on the world stage under the leadership of President Xi Jinping is reflected in the country’s more active, vocal and, lately, even ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy. It is also clearly visible in China’s public diplomacy approach, where priorities have shifted from advertising Chinese culture as the country’s major source of soft power to promoting China’s models of domestic and global governance. The Chinese government proudly presents policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative and, more recently China’s approach to the COVID-19 pandemic, as improvements in global governance or sometimes even as Chinese ‘gifts’ to the world. This article argues that under President Xi, the content and form of China’s public diplomacy have changed. China’s public diplomacy has hardened, it is more strongly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party and the content of China’s public diplomacy messages have become more political.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
O. S. Pugacheva

The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics in the context of its foreign policy interests. The research question is: what is the role of the socio-humanitarian factor, in particular public diplomacy, in the external activities of South Korea with regard to the settlement of the Korean question? The author argues that South Korea sees social and humanitarian sphere as a possibility to strengthen its role and influence on the international arena. While developing the discourse of South Korea as a middle power, the South Korean leadership seeks to take part in creating norms and rules in different fields of global governance. Despite controversies concerning its status and policy as that of a middle power, South Korea advances through public diplomacy the discourse that constructs and enhance its middle power status and can contribute in forming the corresponding national identity. South Korea uses national branding as well to strengthen its political image. Further, the article points out that promoting South Korea’s stance and defending its interests on the Korean Peninsula represent a key task of South Korea’s public diplomacy. In particular, the article examines South Korea’s public diplomacy mechanisms on the Korean track towards the United States and emphasizes that although South Korea has actively engaged in public diplomacy in the USA, it still has a lot to do to explain South Korea's concerns to American political elites and U.S. publics and ensure that the relationship with the United States fully serves South Korean interests. Moreover, it is noted that enhancing South Korea’s role in global governance as well as forming constructive unification discourse (unification as a process now and as a result someday in the future) within the country and abroad are supposed to expand its opportunities to maneuver in the regional politics of East Asia and provide support for the South Korean initiatives on the Korean settlement. In the end, the author turns to the inter-Korean relations. The author states that different South Korean administrations have prioritized different functions of the socio-humanitarian factor. Conservative administrations put an emphasis on information pressure on the DPRK while the development of inter-Korean relations was conditioned by the denuclearization of North Korea. Progressive administrations prefer engaging the DPRK in social, humanitarian and economic interactions. In the first case the result was a rollback in inter-Korean relations with the North Korean leader-ship receiving additional grounds for the development of its military nuclear program. In the second case the social and humanitarian area was and remains a dimension providing promising opportunities for cooperation that is beneficial to the both parties as it is aimed at solving specific and practical problems of common interest. In that sense, the author argues that social and humanitarian factor in inter-Korean relations could serve as a safety cushion during intensification of the inter-Korean conflict and provide a launch pad for finding a way out of the impasses.


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