Regional Fiscal Imbalance and Growth Differentials in Peninsular Malaysia

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 923-935
Author(s):  
L H Wang

The paper examines the fiscal arrangement between the Federal Government and the State Governments of Peninsular Malaysia. The transfer of federal grants as a form of fiscal adjustment fails to equalize regional fiscal imbalance, as the allotment system favours the rich states. This increases regional growth differentials of the country.

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-262
Author(s):  
Braham Dabscheck

This review article discusses MacLean’s study of the ideas of a group of economists and their embracing by an oligarchy of business groups to implement a Neoliberal agenda and its implications for American democracy. It mainly focuses on the Nobel Prize winning economist James McGill Buchanan and the industrialist Charles Koch. Business groups provided funds to Buchanan and others to train right-minded people in the precepts of Neoliberalism, established think tanks and institutes to disseminate their views, and ‘directed’ and/or provided advice and draft legislation for Republican politicians at both the state and federal level. Inspiration for how to achieve this Neoliberal ‘revolution’ can be found in Lenin’s 1902 What is to be Done?. The Neoliberal attack on government and statism is consistent with Orwell’s notion of doublethink. It constitutes a weakening of those parts of the state which are inimical to the interests of a wealthy oligarchy, the federal government and agencies/government departments who are viewed as imposing costs (taxes) on and interfering with (regulating) the actions of the oligarchy, and strengthening other parts such as state governments, the judiciary, at both the state (especially) and federal level and police forces to protect and advance their interests. JEL codes: B10, B22


Author(s):  
R. Kelso

Australia is a nation of 20 million citizens occupying approximately the same land mass as the continental U.S. More than 80% of the population lives in the state capitals where the majority of state and federal government offices and employees are based. The heavily populated areas on the Eastern seaboard, including all of the six state capitals have advanced ICT capability and infrastructure and Australians readily adopt new technologies. However, there is recognition of a digital divide which corresponds with the “great dividing” mountain range separating the sparsely populated arid interior from the populated coastal regions (Trebeck, 2000). A common theme in political commentary is that Australians are “over-governed” with three levels of government, federal, state, and local. Many of the citizens living in isolated regions would say “over-governed” and “underserviced.” Most of the state and local governments, “… have experienced difficulties in managing the relative dis-economies of scale associated with their small and often scattered populations.” Rural and isolated regions are the first to suffer cutbacks in government services in periods of economic stringency. (O’Faircheallaigh, Wanna, & Weller, 1999, p. 98). Australia has, in addition to the Commonwealth government in Canberra, two territory governments, six state governments, and about 700 local governments. All three levels of government, federal, state, and local, have employed ICTs to address the “tyranny of distance” (Blainey, 1967), a term modified and used for nearly 40 years to describe the isolation and disadvantage experienced by residents in remote and regional Australia. While the three levels of Australian governments have been working co-operatively since federation in 1901 with the federal government progressively increasing its power over that time, their agencies and departments generally maintain high levels of separation; the Queensland Government Agent Program is the exception.


Significance The move follows the Senate's failure again yesterday to agree on spending priorities and immigration, the same policy disagreements which prevented a spending deal being passed by midnight on January 19. This has thrown the federal government into its first shutdown since 2013. Impacts Trump's support for "comprehensive immigration reform" may not hold. If US economic growth continues, this may push up illegal immigration, absent security enhancements. Challenges from the state governments over immigration reforms are possible. If Republicans are seen as anti-immigrant, gaining non-traditional constituencies' votes, including minorities, will be hard.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3.30) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Rasyikah Md Khalid ◽  
. .

Federalism refers to an agreement between several states which agree to be united as a nation state but with shared administrative responsibility. Under the dual federalism theory, the federal and the state governments are co-equals with specific powers granted by the constitution. In contrast, cooperative federalism denotes that although the federal government is supreme over the states, both acts cooperatively to solve common problem. Malaysia practices dual federalism as legislative powers of the federal and state governments are separated in the Federal Constitution. Rather than fostering cooperation, dual federalism in Malaysia has created tension between different levels of governments in the water sector as highlighted in the Selangor water woes. This paper evaluates issues arising in the Malaysian water sector from the federalism perspectives. Towards this end, doctrinal analysis on relevant laws and commentaries are made to appreciate the meaning of federalism and different approaches towards federalism. The paper concludes that different approaches towards federal-state relation can assist in improving the water sector and solve water conflict between different levels of governments in Malaysia.   


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.


1984 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-173
Author(s):  
J. R. Lucas

“Towards a Theory of Taxation” is a proper theme for an Englishman to take when giving a paper in America. After all it was from the absence of such a theory that the United States derived its existence. The Colonists felt strongly that there should be no taxation without representation, and George III was unable to explain to them convincingly why they should contribute to the cost of their defense. Since that time, understanding has not advanced much. In Britain we still maintain the fiction that taxes are a voluntary gift to the Crown, and taxing statutes are given the Royal Assent with the special formula, “La Reine remercie ses bons sujets, accepte leur benevolence, et ainsi le veult” instead of the simple “La Reine le veult,” and in the United States taxes have regularly been levied on residents of the District of Columbia who until recently had no representation in Congress, and by the State of New York on those who worked but did not reside in the State, and so did not have a vote. Taxes are regularly levied, in America as elsewhere, on those who have no say on whether they should be levied or how they should be spent. I am taxed by the Federal Government on my American earnings and by state governments on my American spending, but I should be hard put to it to make out that it was unjust. Florida is wondering whether to follow California in taxing multinational corporations on their world-wide earnings.


2008 ◽  
pp. 2439-2451
Author(s):  
Robert Kelso

Australia is a nation of 20 million citizens occupying approximately the same land mass as the continental U.S. More than 80% of the population lives in the state capitals where the majority of state and federal government offices and employees are based. The heavily populated areas on the Eastern seaboard, including all of the six state capitals have advanced ICT capability and infrastructure and Australians readily adopt new technologies. However, there is recognition of a digital divide which corresponds with the “great dividing” mountain range separating the sparsely populated arid interior from the populated coastal regions (Trebeck, 2000). A common theme in political commentary is that Australians are “over-governed” with three levels of government, federal, state, and local. Many of the citizens living in isolated regions would say “over-governed” and “underserviced.” Most of the state and local governments, “… have experienced difficulties in managing the relative dis-economies of scale associated with their small and often scattered populations.” Rural and isolated regions are the first to suffer cutbacks in government services in periods of economic stringency. (O’Faircheallaigh, Wanna, & Weller, 1999, p. 98). Australia has, in addition to the Commonwealth government in Canberra, two territory governments, six state governments, and about 700 local governments. All three levels of government, federal, state, and local, have employed ICTs to address the “tyranny of distance” (Blainey, 1967), a term modified and used for nearly 40 years to describe the isolation and disadvantage experienced by residents in remote and regional Australia. While the three levels of Australian governments have been working co-operatively since federation in 1901 with the federal government progressively increasing its power over that time, their agencies and departments generally maintain high levels of separation; the Queensland Government Agent Program is the exception.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azham Md. Ali ◽  
Ram Al Jaffri Saad, Aryati Juliana Suleman, Ahmad Zamil Abd Khalid ◽  
Juergen Dieter Gloeck

This paper is part of the third and final study conducted on the state of internal audit in the public sector of Malaysia. The first study was concerned with the internal audit operations in the state and local governments found in  Peninsular Malaysia (Azham et al 2007a), while the second study was concerned with internal audit in the nation’s federal government ministries, departments and agencies (Azham et al 2007b). This third study covers 47 organizations at the federal government level, comprising 27 statutory bodies and 20 government-linked companies. From the face-to-face interviews conducted with internal auditors over the three year period 2005 to 2007, several notable audit features emerged as common to all 47 organizations. Some are depressing, while a few others are encouraging. All in all, however, the internal audit function in a majority of the organizations still leaves much to be desired. Also, it is notable that these findings are very much like those of the previous two internal audit studies (Azham et al 2007a; 2007b), and to make sense of the dismal state of the internal audit function in the public organizations, there is perhaps a need to look at the bigger context within which the internal audit function is found.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Adriana Carro Olvera

In Mexico the educational policies correspond to a decentralized model, but are       designed in the federal government and implemented in coordination with the state governments; however, municipal governments are only taken into account in complementary and tangential activities. For this reason the objective of this research was to analyze the issue of public education in the agendas of municipal governments within the state of Tlaxcala, according to the responsibilities derived from the process of national decentralization. This study provides a documentary analysis of the Municipal Development Plans, which assert that municipalities may integrate educational issues in their working agendas in multiple ways. The results identified objectives, strategies and actions in the municipalities that are imprecise and have little relation to state and municipal regulations.


Author(s):  
RAMLI DOLLAH ◽  
KAMARULNIZAM ABDULLAH

Pembangunan ekonomi negeri yang pesat menyebabkan sektor ekonomi negeri Sabah bergantung kepada tenaga kerja asing dari negara Indonesia dan Filipina yang majoritinya bekerja secara tidak sah. Walau bagaimanapun, Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Negeri sejak awal lagi telah berusaha untuk mengurangkan kebergantungan tenaga kerja asing tanpa izin dengan mengambil beberapa inisiatif awal mengatasi masalah kekurangan tenaga kerja di negeri ini. Makalah ini melihat kepesatan pembangunan ekonomi negeri Sabah serta usaha-usaha yang diambil oleh pihak Kerajaan Negeri dan Persekutuan serta pihak swasta di negeri ini untuk mengatasi masalah kekurangan tenaga kerja pada awal kemerdekaan sehinggalah tahun 1980-an. Dua inisiatif utama dibincangkan, iaitu penubuhan Lembaga Kumpulan Wang Perpindahan tahun 1960-an dan penubuhan Sabah Immigrant Manpower Center 1980-an. Kedua- dua inisiatif menangani kekurangan tenaga kerja ini gagal mencapai matlamat. Keadaan ini menyebabkan cara terbaik menangani masalah kekurangan tenaga kerja dengan mendapatkan pekerja asing dari negara jiran terutamanya Indonesia dan Filipina yang majoritinya bekerja di negeri ini secara tidak sah. Trend kebergantungan kepada pekerja asing tanpa izin akhirnya menjadi elemen utama pembangunan ekonomi negeri Sabah pada hari ini. Sabah rapid economic development has led to the heavy reliance on migrant workers from Indonesia and the Philippines, in which a majority of them are working illegally. However, the federal and state governments have been trying to reduce the dependency on undocumented migrant workers since the outset by taking several early initiatives to overcome the labour shortage in this state in Borneon Malaysia. This paper examines the economic development and the efforts the state has taken together with the federal government as well as the private sector in Sabah to cope with the labour shortage in the early days of independence until the 1980’s. Two major initiatives were discussed, namely the establishment of the Migration Fund Board in the 1960’s and Sabah Manpower Immigrant Centre in the 1980’s. Both initiatives have failed to achieve their goals in addressing labour shortage. As a consequence, the best way to deal with the problem of labour shortage was hiring migrant workers from neighbouring countries, particularly Indonesia and the Philippines and most of them had worked illegally. Therefore, the dependency on illegal migrant workers has eventually become a key element to the present-day economic development in Sabah.


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