Privatisation of Housing and the Impact of the Conservative Government's Initiatives on Low-Cost Homeownership and Private Renting between 1979 and 1984 in England and Wales: 3. Impact and Evaluation of Low-Cost Homeownership Policy

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 901-911 ◽  
Author(s):  
A D H Crook

This is the third in a series of four papers describing and evaluating the British Government's policies of privatising housing. In this paper the research on the short-run impact of the low-cost homeownership programme is examined, by looking at the right to buy, shared ownership, improvement for sale, and homesteading, and at starter homes and licence schemes. The purchasers who have benefited from the programme are identified and the reasons for some of the failures of the policy to reach priority groups and areas of need are examined. An evaluation of the programme is made under three headings: the extent to which new investment is generated, the extent to which benefits are restricted to groups in need, and the long-term consequences of expanding homeownership amongst low-income groups. It is concluded that privatisation cannot be achieved without continued state support and regulation.

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 639-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
A D H Crook

Since 1979 the main housing policy aim of the Conservative Government in Britain has been to privatise the ownership of housing. The housing programme has included policies to increase the supply and demand for low-cost homeownership and to increase the supply of privated rented housing. The aim of this and three subsequent papers is to describe these programmes and to evaluate their impact. In this, the first paper, it is shown how the Government's attitude to housing differs markedly from that of its predecessors and a description is given of the way the low-cost ownership and private renting programmes fit into the Government's privatisation ideology. The paper continues with a description of each of the initiatives of the low-cost homeownership programme. The next two papers are an examination of the number of sales involved and they draw on published research to evaluate the impact of the sales. It is concluded that, with the exception of the sales of public rented housing, low-cost sales have been limited, but that those who have bought have reaped benefits during a period when other housing and economic policies militated against homeownership. Not all buyers receiving the extra subsidies involved in the programme were in priority social or housing need groups. There is doubt whether the houses involved will be permanently low cost. There is also doubt if the growth of homeownership amongst low-income groups can be unproblematic in relation to their housing and living standards, problems which need state support to be resolved. The fourth paper in the series is an examination of the initiatives in respect of private renting and it is concluded that these, too, had little impact because they were largely irrelevant to the fundamental difficulties facing landlords and tenants. The four papers in this series appear in sequence in successive issues of this journal. Together they show that privatisation policies cannot be achieved without continuing state support and intervention in the form of subsidies and regulation.


1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 827-835 ◽  
Author(s):  
A D H Crook

This is the second in a series of four papers describing and evaluating the British Government's policies of privatising housing. This paper is concerned with the number of houses sold under the ‘right to buy’ and of the other houses sold under each of the low-cost initiatives. It is concluded that, with the exception of right to buy, sales have been few in number and that sales have occurred to the greatest extent in the more prosperous parts of England and Wales.


1991 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Saunders ◽  
George Matheson

As in many other countries, the eighties have seen the re-emergence of poverty as a political issue in Australia. Rising unemployment and the increased incidence of sole parenthood have put more children at risk of poverty, a development which has prompted increased policy concern. This paper presents estimates of the incidence and structure of poverty in Australia in 1981–82, 1985–86 and 1989–90, using the poverty standard developed by the Poverty Commission in the seventies. The estimates for 1989–90 are based on data generated from the 1986 Income Distribution Survey by a microsimulation model that allows for trends in demographic change, labour market participation and income during the second half of the eighties. The results indicate that the overall poverty rate has increased from 9.2 per cent in 1981–82 to 12.8 per cent in 1989–90. This is despite the fact that the incomes of many low income groups have increased in real terms, in many cases substantially. The reason for this apparent paradox is that the poverty standard is a relative one, and has thus itself been increased in line with average community incomes. One of the conclusions of the paper is that it may be necessary to reconsider the use of a relative poverty standard when assessing short-run trends in the extent of poverty.


2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 602
Author(s):  
An Minh Ngoc ◽  
Hiroaki Nishiuchi

This study investigated the impact of high-speed rail (HSR) on social equity, utilizing information from a stated preference survey conducted in Vietnam. Social equity was examined across the population of four cities representing the northern, central, and southern areas of Vietnam. In general, the high price of HSR is one of the barriers to using HSR over inter-city buses and conventional trains. Low-income groups (less than VND 6 million per month) have 4.894 and 4.725 times the likelihoods, compared to higher income groups, of retaining the use of an inter-city bus or conventional train, respectively, after introducing HSR. Our findings reveal the fact that social inequity may occur, with the low-income group being especially vulnerable, due to the existence of HSR in the future. Furthermore, our results indicate that the interest of people towards inter-city buses and conventional trains varied among the four cities before and after the presence of HSR. More specifically, low-income groups in Vinh and Nha Trang were observed to have a higher feeling of staying away from HSR, as they prefer to use inter-city buses. The findings of this study suggest that planners and policymakers need to consider various components of HSR ticket planning, in order to achieve sustainable evolution of the passenger rail system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chairida Yunita Putri ◽  
Sirojuzilam Sirojuzilam ◽  
Rujiman Rujiman

<p class="Abstrak"><span lang="SV">Slum is a general impression or picture of attitudes and low behavior seen from the standard of living and middle class income. Communities that live in slums economically are generally classified as poor and low-income groups, which are often the reason for the degradation of discipline and disorder in various social order. This study aims to investigate and determine the right location for Family Hope Program (PKH) implementation so program implementation can be more targeted and targeted and able to reduce and overcome the problem of slums in Tebing Tinggi City, North Sumatra province. The method used is to use spatial analysis with a Geographic Information System (GIS) and 5 indicators data from TNP2K. These indicators are combined and modeled spatially using 3 class locations namely Inaccurate, Less Accurate and Precisely Accurate. The results of spatial analysis and modeling are the location of Inaccurate (Tebing Tinggi Kota sub-district), Less Accurate (Padang Hilir and Padang Hulu sub-district) and Precisely Accurate (Bajenis and Rambutan sub-district). The resulting spatial model was validated with satellite photos from Google Earth and photos of field visits using triangulation validation techniques</span></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 073112142110054
Author(s):  
Alexandrea J. Ravenelle ◽  
Ken Cai Kowalski ◽  
Erica Janko

While social distancing measures are essential in limiting the impact of a pandemic, such measures are often less feasible for low-income groups such as precarious workers who continue to travel on public transit and are less able to practice social distancing measures. In this paper, based on in-depth remote interviews conducted from April 2020 through June 2020, with more than 130 gig and precarious workers in New York City, we find that precarious workers experience three main hurdles in regard to accessing unemployment assistance that can be broadly categorized as knowledge, sociological, and temporal/financial barriers. Drawing on worker interview responses, we have named these responses: (1) Didn’t Know, (2) Didn’t Want, and (3) Can’t Wait. These challenges have led workers to turn to gig and precarious work, further highlighting the inequities of the pandemic. As a result, for some workers, so-called “side hustles” have become their primary social safety net.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (04) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Ngoc Tran Thi Bich ◽  
Huong Pham Hoang Cam

This paper aims to examine the main determinants of inflation in Vietnam during the period from 2002Q1 to 2013Q2. The cointegration theory and the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) approach are used to examine the impact of domestic credit, interest rate, budget deficit, and crude oil prices on inflation in both long and short terms. The results show that while there are long-term relations among inflation and the others, such factors as oil prices, domestic credit, and interest rate, in the short run, have no impact on fluctuations of inflation. Particularly, the budget deficit itself actually has a short-run impact, but its level is fundamentally weak. The cause of the current inflation is mainly due to public's expectations of the inflation in the last period. Although the error correction, from the long-run relationship, has affected inflation in the short run, the coefficient is small and insignificant. In other words, it means that the speed of the adjustment is very low or near zero. This also implies that once the relationship among inflation, domestic credit, interest rate, budget deficit, and crude oil prices deviate from the long-term trend, it will take the economy a lot of time to return to the equilibrium state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loretta Lees

Abstract Gentrification is no-longer, if it ever was, a small scale process of urban transformation. Gentrification globally is more often practised as large scale urban redevelopment. It is state-led or state-induced. The results are clear – the displacement and disenfranchisement of low income groups in favour of wealthier in-movers. So, why has gentrification come to dominate policy making worldwide and what can be done about it?


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