Surf, Sea, Sand…and Sewage: Implementing European Bathing Water Policy in the United Kingdom and France

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (8) ◽  
pp. 1389-1408 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Jordan ◽  
N Ward ◽  
H Buller

Scholarly study of the European Community (EC) has concentrated on the macrolevel process of regional integration to the neglect of its ‘internal’ policy processes. A newly emerging literature on EC public policy is beginning to address this imbalance, but it is largely focused on the development of policy outputs culminating in the adoption of policies by the Council of Ministers, rather than the long-term outcomes of policy at the national and subnational levels. This paper develops a multitheoretical framework and applies it to a case study of the implementation of the Directive on bathing water in the United Kingdom and France to reveal the sort of intriguing questions and puzzles which emerge in the ‘postdecisional’ phase of the EC policy process. The study draws comparisons between implementation in the two countries, showing that policy ‘making’ and retuning continued long after the formal point of adoption. As in national systems, policy implementation and the interpretation and evaluation of policy outcomes in the EC are just as much part of the political process as agenda setting and policy framing.

1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-847

The fourteenth session of the Council of Ministers of die Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) was held in Ankara, Turkey, on April 20–21, 1966, under the chairmanship of Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, the Foreign Minister of Turkey. Others attending the session were Abbas Aram, Foreign Minister of Iran; Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Foreign Minister of Pakistan; Michael Stewart, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom; and Dean Rusk, Secretary of State of the United States. The session had been preceded by a meeting of the CENTO Military Committee held in Tehran, Iran, on April 5–6.


Author(s):  
Andrew Webster

This study provides a sociological commentary on the current debates within health technology assessment (HTA), specifically in response to the approaches taken in France, The Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. It argues that HTA is part of a wider reflexive innovation system that seeks to order current and prospective technologies. The study discusses the socio-political process of HTA priority setting, the rhetorical role of HTA, the localised and contingent use of HTA, and the policy gap between guidelines and practice. It argues for the development of new types of methodologies for assessment and for a stronger social embedding of HTA practice.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492110607
Author(s):  
Iain McMenamin ◽  
Michael Courtney ◽  
Michael Breen ◽  
Gemma McNulty

Election coverage is often assumed to be different to everyday political coverage. We argue that this depends on political institutions. In majoritarian countries, where elections choose governments, election coverage should decisively move towards political competition and away from policy. In consensual countries, where coalitions are based on policy negotiations, there should be a less pronounced shift towards political competition and away from policy. To test this argument, we use an automatic coding system to study 0.9 billion words in Die Welt for 12 years and in the Financial Times for 30 years. The results support our institutional hypothesis.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Marshall

The analysis of British political institutions in the twentieth century has not emerged solely from the writing of textbooks by political scientists. The genesis of general thinking about the government of the United Kingdom is to a lesser degree the product of professional reflection than is the development of theories about comparative government. It evolves more directly from the political process itself and from the controversies about government that government itself generates. This chapter discusses the powers of Parliament, the nature of cabinet government, the accountability of ministers, the dignified institutions, the re-modelling of Dicey’s institution, political institutions and public inquiry, and theory and analysis in political institutions.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-316

Common AssemblyThe second ordinary session of the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) opened in Strasbourg on May II, 1954; Mr. de Gasperi (Italy) was unanimously elected president. Mr. Monnet, President of the ECSC High Authority, reported that the “first steps in the creation of Europe” had obtained for the member countries a renewal of credit, more favorable financial conditions, and a more productive use of their resources than they could have achieved separately. Before concluding the session on May 21, the Common Assembly adopted a resolution which dealt with the report of the High Authority, the report on administrative expenses of the Community for 1952–1953, and the provisional budget for 1954–1955. The resolution 1) approved the expressed intention of the High Authority to limit administrative expenses and its decision to draft a statute for officials of the Community; 2) stressed the open character of ECSC, expressed gratification at the development of its relations with the Council of Europe, called for speedy conclusion of the negotiations with the United Kingdom, and expressed a desire for relations with other European countries, especially Austria; 3) urged that greater attention be given to the question of cartels and maximum prices, which in some cases needed to be lowered; 4) invited the High Authority to pursue, in cooperation with governments, efforts to introduce standard international freight through-rates, and to harmonize conditions of transport; 5) congratulated the High Authority on its work to free the movement of manpower, and hoped for the development of comparable conditions of remuneration and of social security norms throughout the Community; 6) approved the allocation of a large part of the first investments financed by the Community to new construction of workers' housing; and 7) requested the High Authority to seek, through the Council of Ministers, adoption of a coordinated policy of economic expansion and development of outlets, with the objective of a reduction in the cost price of coal and steel.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 657-685 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM B. HELLER

Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.


Water Policy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 647-666 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blandine Boeuf ◽  
Oliver Fritsch ◽  
Julia Martin-Ortega

Abstract The Water Framework Directive aims to achieve ‘good status’ for all water bodies in the European Union. However, exemption clauses enable member states to delay protective measures and to lower water quality objectives. The ambiguity of exemption clauses has led to a plurality of approaches across the continent. They differ as to their political objectives, i.e., the overall ambition displayed in implementing the Directive, and to their methodological choices, i.e., the analytical tools used to justify exemptions. This article argues that those political and methodological dimensions influence each other. Relying on a framework of analysis that integrates key recommendations from the literature, we explore the usage and justification of exemptions in two countries, the United Kingdom and France. Our analysis suggests that analytical methods were often decided so as to reflect the ecological ambitions of a country, and some methodological choices seem to have had unintended consequences for water quality objectives. We conclude that economic methods should be adapted so that they take into account, rather than ignore, the political ambitions of a country in the field of water.


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