Backbone Topology, Access, and the Commercial Internet, 1997–2000

2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morton E O'Kelly ◽  
Tony H Grubesic

As the Internet grows in popularity, telecommunications infrastructure in the United States continues to increase in capacity and geographic reach to meet market demand. Important components of this infrastructure include the commercial fiber-optic backbones used to transport digital information between locations. The spatial organization of commercial Internet backbones reflects an increasingly competitive privatized market for service provision, in which certain locations are more accessible and better connected than others. The authors have three objectives. First, they explore the current state of the telecommunications industry, paying special attention to current trends, mergers, and new company business models. Second, they use a standardized methodology to examine the topological structure of the US commercial Internet and the resulting differences in city accessibility. Third, this methodology is put to the test by an exploration of an empirical database of 41 network providers in the United States. Results suggest that significant changes in city accessibility to the commercial Internet occurred between 1997 and 2000.

Author(s):  
Viktoriya Sizova

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution, development and current state of the us criminal law system. The author considers the characteristic features inherent in modern American criminal law, its features, as well as the practical value and significance in relation to the continuity of positive experience.


Teknokultura ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
George Julian Hendrix

In the United States, “populist” is a controversial and often misunderstood signifier in common discourse. In addition, the current state of mass media and introduction of social networking tools has created a hyper-partisan spectacle of politics – especially during presidential campaign seasons. Through the review of literature on populism, traditional and social media, and presidential campaigning in the United States, this article constructs a new view on the relationship between these three topics in the 21st century. Important steps in this article’s process include defining populism and its place within campaigning and media; presenting social media as a political tool and a dynamic personalized informer; and analyzing the US presidential elections since 2008.  Resultantly, because the trends of online activity, on the part of both the citizen and the candidate, impact social media users’ self-informing and political engagement, the process of selecting a new US president has become more susceptible to various populist practices in this century than before.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 370 (1674) ◽  
pp. 20140260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claude Roux ◽  
Benjamin Talbot-Wright ◽  
James Robertson ◽  
Frank Crispino ◽  
Olivier Ribaux

The dominant conception of forensic science as a patchwork of disciplines primarily assisting the criminal justice system (i.e. forensics) is in crisis or at least shows a series of anomalies and serious limitations. In recent years, symptoms of the crisis have been discussed in a number of reports by various commentators, without a doubt epitomized by the 2009 report by the US National Academies of Sciences (NAS 2009 Strengthening forensic science in the United States: a path forward). Although needed, but viewed as the solution to these drawbacks, the almost generalized adoption of stricter business models in forensic science casework compounded with ever-increasing normative and compliance processes not only place additional pressures on a discipline that already appears in difficulty, but also induce more fragmentation of the different forensic science tasks, a tenet many times denounced by the same NAS report and other similar reviews. One may ask whether these issues are not simply the result of an unfit paradigm. If this is the case, the current problems faced by forensic science may indicate future significant changes for the discipline. To facilitate broader discussion this presentation focuses on trace evidence, an area that is seminal to forensic science both for epistemological and historical reasons. There is, however, little doubt that this area is currently under siege worldwide. Current and future challenges faced by trace evidence are discussed along with some possible answers. The current situation ultimately presents some significant opportunities to re-invent not only trace evidence but also forensic science. Ultimately, a distinctive, more robust and more reliable science may emerge through rethinking the forensics paradigm built on specialisms, revisiting fundamental forensic science principles and adapting them to the twenty-first century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 135 (11) ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Elisabeth B. Reynolds ◽  
Hiram Samel

This article analyses the reasons and impact of shift of manufacturing startups from the United States to overseas. After years of refining prototypes and perfecting pilot plants, advanced manufacturing startups frequently look overseas when it is time to scale-up for commercial production. Both manufacturing and technology companies go abroad looking for partnerships, because it is easier for investors. When startups scale their manufacturing elsewhere, the United States loses more than a possible return on the research investment that made such breakthroughs possible. The preliminary research suggests that to fully realize the economic gains associated with innovation, new products and services developed by American innovators must be scaled-up within the US economy, as well as in overseas markets. The four suggestions that have been made include the following: increase financing options for later-stage development; create institutions and incentives; change the contours of market demand; and encourage firms to raise capital through initial public offerings.


Author(s):  
Gleeson Simon ◽  
Guynn Randall

This chapter looks at the history and fundamental elements of resolution authority as it has been developed and used in the United States. The goal of resolution authority in the United States has been to deal with failed banks and other financial institutions in a manner that stems runs, avoids contagion and preserves critical operations, the same goal as deposit guarantee schemes. First introduced in the United States in 1933 as part of the deposit insurance programme for banks, resolution authority was originally little more than the method by which the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation honoured its obligations to insured depositors before evolving to its current state. Resolution authority, as conceived in the United States, has two principal components—the core resolution powers and the claims process. The core resolution powers consist of the authority to quickly separate the assets and viable parts of a failed bank's business (the good bank) from its capital structure liabilities (the bad bank), so that its critical operations are preserved and runs and contagion are avoided. It is virtually always completed in the United States over a weekend commonly known as resolution weekend. The claims process involves determining the validity and amount of the claims of individual holders of capital structure liabilities in accordance with ordinary principles of due process and distributing the residual value of the good bank to such holders in satisfaction of their claims. The claims process typically takes at least six to nine months to be completed in order to comply with ordinary principles of due process for potential claimants.


Author(s):  
Andrii Zubyk

The current state of the Ukrainian diaspora, which is living in Canada and the United States, is analysed in this article. The Ukrainian diaspora in these countries has more than a century history. It is the second (Canada) and the third (USA), after the Russian Federation in the world by the number of Ukrainians. More than a third of the total number of Ukrainians outside of our country is overall living in Canada and the United States. The results of the census conducted in these countries, including their ethnocultural component, ethnicity, country of origin, native language and the language usually spoken at home were information basis of the study. In accordance with the results of the census, which reflect the resettlement and ethnolinguistic conformity of the Ukrainian diaspora, the author maps in the environment of program ArcMap are created. The Ukrainian diaspora resettlement in terms of provinces (Canada) and states (the USA) is analysed in the article. As a result of the late XX–early XXI century census, changes in its settlement is also revealed. It was found that Canadian Ukrainian diaspora lives mainly in the provinces, where Ukrainian emigration had begun. In the US, with the appearance of the fourth “wave” of Ukrainian emigration its resettlement has changed: unlike the early twentieth century when Ukrainians mostly arrived in Pennsylvania, New York and Ohio at present Ukrainians prefer emigration to the states of Washington, Oregon and California. The study found that the Ukrainian diaspora in these countries, despite the preservation of their ethnic origin, undergo significant linguistic assimilation. According to census found that in Canada and the USA minor ethnolinguistic conformity of the Ukrainian diaspora. The territorial regularity in ethnolinguistic conformity of Ukrainian diaspora: the smaller in number Ukrainian diaspora, the higher ethnolinguistic conformity are traced. Key words: Ukrainian diaspora, assimilation, entho-linguistic conformity, immigration, settlement, native language.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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