Claiming Legitimacy: Analysing Conflict in the Environmental Policy Process

10.1068/c7s ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 637-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bhaskar Vira
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Social Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Process ◽  
Policy Context ◽  
The Social

The author presents a conceptual framework for the analysis of conflicting claims in the environmental policy context. It is suggested that claims can be analysed at three distinct levels: the social process of legitimisation and justification; the legal process of recognition and protection; and the political process of realisation. Outcomes depend in a complex and dynamic manner on the interaction of claims at each of these levels. An appreciation of these links may significantly enhance our understanding of the environmental policy process.

scholarly journals Discussing community participation in health: an approach from the Brazilian experience

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romulo Maciel Filho ◽  
José Luiz C. de Araújo Jr.
Keyword(s):  
Community Participation ◽  
Health Reform ◽  
Health Management ◽  
Social Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Brazilian Health System

This article deals with the problem of community participation in the process of planning, management and decision-making in the Brazilian health system. It seeks to discuss the political process that gave rise to the formation of this model of participation in Brazilian health sector and to identify the reasons for possible weaknesses or constraints in the functioning participatory process.To that end, it makes a review on the literature to address the concept and approaches related to community participation, the advantages of adopting it, some obstacles to its implementation in health management and planning, as well as identifying three kinds of participation in health, according to different technical-political practices and rationalities. Special attention is given to Brazilian experiments in health participation, which culminated in the institutionalising of health councils. In this sense, emphasis is placed on the importance of the social process known as the "Health Reform Movement" and on the holding of the VIII National Health Conference in 1986. Finally, the study concludes that in countries with political, social and economic characteristics like Brazil, the task of incorporating community participation in the formulation and management of health policy depends on the creation of a new spirit of citizenship.

scholarly journals The social origins and political uses of popular narratives on Serbian disunity

2005 ◽  
pp. 65-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Naumovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Based

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems (in the case of some popular narratives on disunity), or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems (in the case of most political meta-narratives), the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned.

scholarly journals The Political Knowledge of University Students (A Comparative Study between Jordan and Libya)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Alfeetouri Salih Mohammed Alsati ◽  
Al-Sayed Abd ulmutallab Ghanem
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Parental Education ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The University

The current research aims at identifying and measuring the political knowledge of the students of the two universities of Al- Balqaa in Jordan and Omar Al- Mokhtar in Libya. The two communities are almost similar in terms of the social formation, Arab customs and traditions, the Bedouin values, the difference in the institutional age and the political stability.The study attempts to measure and compare the political knowledge in the communities of the two universities using the descriptive and comparative analytical method. The study uses a 400 random questionnaire of 30 paragraphs to measure eight indicators divided into internal and external political knowledge, and other aspects of knowledge: general political knowledge, knowledge of the political institutions and leaders, the political interest, the geographical and historical knowledge, and knowledge of the methods of exercising the political process. The study also attempts to identifying the most important sources and the role of the university in university students’ political knowledge.The results show that the level of the political knowledge is medium while its level in the sample of the Jordanian students is high. According to the samples, the internal political knowledge is more than the external knowledge with a lack of interest in the political matters. The samples do not consider the political matters as their priorities. The political knowledge as a whole needs to much effort to be exerted to confront the current circumstances. The variables of the place of resident, age and the educational level make big difference in the political knowledge. In contrast, the level of the parental education does not create big differences.

Is it feasible?1

2018 ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Malcolm Torry
Keyword(s):  
Policy Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Political Feasibility ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Financial Feasibility ◽  
Financial Losses

This chapter examines whether a Citizen's Basic Income is feasible — that is, capable of being legislated and implemented. To answer this question, the chapter considers multiple feasibilities: financial feasibility (whether it would be possible to finance a Citizen's Basic Income, and whether implementation would impose substantial financial losses on any households or individuals); psychological feasibility (whether the idea is readily understood, and understood to be beneficial); administrative feasibility (whether it would be possible to administer a Citizen's Basic Income and to manage the transition); behavioural feasibility (whether a Citizen's Basic Income would work for households and individuals once it was implemented); political feasibility (whether the idea would cohere with existing political ideologies); and policy process feasibility (whether the political process would be able to process the idea through to implementation). After explaining each of these feasibilities in detail, the chapter asks whether they are additive, conjunctive, or disjunctive.

The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Formal Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.

scholarly journals The Social Determinants of Conspiratorial Ideation

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph DiGrazia
Keyword(s):  
Social Determinants ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Search Data ◽  
Google Search

Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.

scholarly journals Displaying Roads

Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
Massimo Moraglio ◽  
Bruce Seely
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Technical Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Symbolic Value

We argue that road engineers—in the cases presented in the articles in this special section—were acting as cultural actors, playing a greater role than experts and especially policy makers. Even as they utilized technical information in cultural debates, road representation had huge symbolic value in driving the social and political discussions. However, once road experts used and accepted such political tools, they could not disconnect themselves from the political process, which determined success and failure in these projects.

scholarly journals Socio Cultural Reactions Before the Nationalitation of Dutch Railroad in Indonesia 1945-1958

2020 ◽  
Vol 202 ◽  
pp. 07049
Author(s):  
Waskito Widi Wardojo ◽  
Singgih Tri Sulistiyono ◽  
Endang Susilowati ◽  
Yety Rochwulaningsih
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Round Table ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

The issue of the nationalization of Dutch companies (railroad), which strengthened in the early 1950s, had caused some concern among Dutch companies. The issue was rolled by leftists who were disappointed with some of the results of the Round Table Conference (RTC) in December 1949. There was a phenomenon of xenophobia among natives of something that smelled of foreign (Western) so that the government policies that emerged were rooted in this matter, starting from the Benteng program and the nationalization of the company foreign. This paper aims to parse the anti-foreign phenomenon before nationalization by emphasizing the socio-cultural aspects. If the political process is carried out by the state political elite, then the social process is carried out by other elements of society such as trade unions in the form of boycotts, strikes and demonstrations. While cultural action is carried out by elements of society such as artists and humanists who carry out a variety of artistic actions such as murals, propaganda graffiti, advertisements in the mass media or images that burn the spirit of warriors on the walls in the city area. Particularly among railways, various socio-cultural activities were carried out by the Djawatan Kereta Api (DKA) in the 1950s. This research uses historical research methods based on primary sources traced from archival institutions and libraries. Research results show that the phenomenon of xenophobia that occurred in the decade of the 50s is part of the national socio-political criticism expressed through various forms of social culture.

scholarly journals How business influences government policy in China

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Yongqiang Gao
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Corporate Sector ◽  
The West ◽  
Policy Decision Making

Although the Chinese corporate sector is deeply involved in the political process, there has been very little research on the topic so far. This article tries to identify the approaches by which Chinese firms influence government policy decision-making, in order to maintain a favorable business environment. Our analysis indicates that, due to the differences in culture and political and economic systems, there are correspondingly great differences in approaches to political participation in Chian and the west. For China, the participation of business in the policy process has led to corruption and other serious problems.

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