The Place of the Political Process in the Social Structures of the Centralized Empires

2017 ◽  
pp. 300-308
Author(s):  
S. N. Eisenstadt
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social

scholarly journals The social origins and political uses of popular narratives on Serbian disunity

2005 ◽  
pp. 65-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Naumovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Based

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems (in the case of some popular narratives on disunity), or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems (in the case of most political meta-narratives), the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned.

scholarly journals The Political Knowledge of University Students (A Comparative Study between Jordan and Libya)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Alfeetouri Salih Mohammed Alsati ◽  
Al-Sayed Abd ulmutallab Ghanem
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Parental Education ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The University

The current research aims at identifying and measuring the political knowledge of the students of the two universities of Al- Balqaa in Jordan and Omar Al- Mokhtar in Libya. The two communities are almost similar in terms of the social formation, Arab customs and traditions, the Bedouin values, the difference in the institutional age and the political stability.The study attempts to measure and compare the political knowledge in the communities of the two universities using the descriptive and comparative analytical method. The study uses a 400 random questionnaire of 30 paragraphs to measure eight indicators divided into internal and external political knowledge, and other aspects of knowledge: general political knowledge, knowledge of the political institutions and leaders, the political interest, the geographical and historical knowledge, and knowledge of the methods of exercising the political process. The study also attempts to identifying the most important sources and the role of the university in university students’ political knowledge.The results show that the level of the political knowledge is medium while its level in the sample of the Jordanian students is high. According to the samples, the internal political knowledge is more than the external knowledge with a lack of interest in the political matters. The samples do not consider the political matters as their priorities. The political knowledge as a whole needs to much effort to be exerted to confront the current circumstances. The variables of the place of resident, age and the educational level make big difference in the political knowledge. In contrast, the level of the parental education does not create big differences.

The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Formal Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.

scholarly journals The Social Determinants of Conspiratorial Ideation

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311668979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph DiGrazia
Keyword(s):  
Social Determinants ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Search Data ◽  
Google Search

Scholars have recently become increasingly interested in understanding the prevalence and persistence of conspiratorial beliefs among the public as recent research has shown such beliefs to be both widespread and to have deleterious effects on the political process. This article seeks to develop a sociological understanding of the structural conditions that are associated with conspiratorial belief. Using aggregate Google search data to measure public interest in two popular political conspiracy theories, the findings indicate that social conditions associated with threat and insecurity, including unemployment, changes in partisan control of government, and demographic changes, are associated with increased conspiratorial ideation.

scholarly journals Displaying Roads

Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
Massimo Moraglio ◽  
Bruce Seely
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Technical Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Symbolic Value

We argue that road engineers—in the cases presented in the articles in this special section—were acting as cultural actors, playing a greater role than experts and especially policy makers. Even as they utilized technical information in cultural debates, road representation had huge symbolic value in driving the social and political discussions. However, once road experts used and accepted such political tools, they could not disconnect themselves from the political process, which determined success and failure in these projects.

scholarly journals Issues of the Islamic form of Government in the Works of Abbasi Madani and his Political Activities

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
Marina A. Sapronova
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic Golden Age ◽  
Theoretical Issues

Abstract: following the events of the Arab Spring, theoretical issues of government are attracting growing interest in the social and political sphere in the Islamic East. Islamic concepts are being adopted and extensively used in a race for power by various political forces. In this connection, the experience of countries that have passed through the “Islamic boom” is of particular interest. The currently outlawed political party, Islamic Salvation Front, and its founder, Abbassi Madani, the outstanding theoretician of the concept of the Islamic Golden Age, who developed and presented to Algerian society his programme of Islamic reforms, had a great impact on the political process in Algeria during the 1990s. This paper presents the theoretical views of Abbassi Madani on Islamic government, with an analysis of the activities of the Islamic Salvation Front and its influence on society and the political process. The author concludes that the true motivation of the Islamists in Algeria was a desire to overcome the social and economic crisis and emerge from military dictatorship and economic mismanagement by the incumbent government, rather than a desire to reform the state along Islamic lines.

Media and Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 416-432
Author(s):  
Thomas Olesen
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media System ◽  
Professional Authority ◽  
System P ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Public Sphere

The chapter’s premise is the social contract between media and democracy, which features strongly in the professional values of Danish journalists. Media have become so central to the political process that many refer to a mediatization of politics. At the same time, research points to a crisis of journalism with declining readership, trust, and professional authority. These challenges have been set in motion at least partly by new media consumption and production patterns. The crisis of journalism prompts two questions: is it reversing the process of mediatization, and does it erode journalism’s role as democratic watchdogs in Denmark? The chapter shows that the crisis of journalism must be considered in a comparative perspective and that the Danish media system demonstrates a degree of resilience to it. It also notes, however, that traditional media have indeed lost their privileged position as organizers of the public sphere. Rather than seeing a reversal of mediatization, it makes more sense to speak of a mediatization 2.0, and rather than identifying an erosion of the media’s watchdog role, it is more accurate to say that they now share it with a host of other agents in the current hybridized media system.

The Neodevelopmentalist Front and Mercosur under the PT Governments: The Rise and Fall of Multidimensional Regionalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110293
Author(s):  
Tatiana Berringer
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
2008 Financial Crisis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Integration Mechanisms ◽  
The 2008 Financial Crisis ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

An analysis of the relationship between classes and class fractions and Mercosur under the PT (Workers’ Party) governments suggests that the transition from the open regionalism of the 1990s to the multidimensional regionalism of the 2000s and the crisis of the latter were linked to the overlap between the regional integration mechanisms Unasur and Mercosur and the social base of the neodevelopmentalist front. Multidimensional regionalism went into crisis after 2012, when the country began to suffer the impact of the 2008 financial crisis and changes in international politics and when the political process that culminated in the 2016 coup began. Uma análise da relação entre as classes e frações de classe e o Mercosul dos governos PT sugere que a transição do regionalismo aberto dos anos 1990 para o regionalismo multidimensional dos anos 2000 e a crise deste últimoestão ligados à imbricação entre os processos de integração regional, Unasur e Mercosur, e a base social da frente neodesenvolvimentista. O regionalismo multidimensional entrou em crise a partir de 2012 quando o país começou a sofrer mais o impacto da crise financeira de 2008 e das transformações na política internacional e iniciou-se o processo político que culminou no golpe de 2016.

3. Punishment and welfare: social problems and social structures

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Garland
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Literature ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Critical Review ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Welfare Policies ◽  
The Social

This chapter examines the complex relationship between ‘punishment’ and ‘welfare.’ It traces the various ways in which penal systems are influenced by, and interact with, broader systems of social welfare and how these linked institutions function as modes of social control and class control. Following a critical review of the historical and comparative literature—and associated questions of data and method—it discusses how penal and welfare policies relate to the social problems they purport to address and to the political and socio-economic structures within which they operate. ‘Penal-welfarist’ and ‘welfarist’ practices are defined and differentiated, some common elements of practices of punishing and assisting are identified, and the fundamentals of ‘the welfare state’ and its recent neoliberal history are explained.

scholarly journals Discussing community participation in health: an approach from the Brazilian experience

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romulo Maciel Filho ◽  
José Luiz C. de Araújo Jr.
Keyword(s):  
Community Participation ◽  
Health Reform ◽  
Health Management ◽  
Social Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Brazilian Health System

This article deals with the problem of community participation in the process of planning, management and decision-making in the Brazilian health system. It seeks to discuss the political process that gave rise to the formation of this model of participation in Brazilian health sector and to identify the reasons for possible weaknesses or constraints in the functioning participatory process.To that end, it makes a review on the literature to address the concept and approaches related to community participation, the advantages of adopting it, some obstacles to its implementation in health management and planning, as well as identifying three kinds of participation in health, according to different technical-political practices and rationalities. Special attention is given to Brazilian experiments in health participation, which culminated in the institutionalising of health councils. In this sense, emphasis is placed on the importance of the social process known as the "Health Reform Movement" and on the holding of the VIII National Health Conference in 1986. Finally, the study concludes that in countries with political, social and economic characteristics like Brazil, the task of incorporating community participation in the formulation and management of health policy depends on the creation of a new spirit of citizenship.

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