Territorial and non-territorial arrangements in a multi-ethno-linguistic context

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-163
Author(s):  
Ádám Németh

Abstract This article argues that the geographically dispersed distribution of the minorities in the Baltic republics (apart from the Poles in Lithuania and the Russians in Northeast Estonia) constitutes an objective obstacle to provision of territorially based minority rights. However, the potential alternatives to the territorial principle are also rarely adopted. The cultural autonomy model in Estonia and Latvia failed to be implemented in practice, while threshold rules (in respect of topographical bilingualism, for example) are in force only in Estonia, and there with the highest threshold in Europe (50%). The paper aims to explain the reluctance to adopt these solutions by reviewing the main factors that affect language policy implementation in general. It also considers the background to the debate over which languages need protection: the minority languages within the Baltic States or the titular languages themselves (Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian), which at the global level are small and vulnerable. In general, the strictness of language policies is in inverse relation to the size of the minorities, with Lithuania being the most liberal and Latvia the most restrictive.

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-536
Author(s):  
Lilija Alijeva

Minority rights protection is widely discussed in relation to diversity management stability within a state. Yet the case of Russian-speaking minorities in the post-Soviet Baltic States has been a challenging example to analyse because of the sensitivity of language issues. This article discusses Baltic States’ language policies that impact the Russian-speaking minority’s language rights, argued here to be the focal point for minority identity formation inclusion into society. While international law continues to be mostly silent regarding minority language rights, kin-states, in this case Russia, direct their interest towards its supposed kin-nationals abroad, which leads to rising levels of concerns for Baltic States’ governments because this interest has led to conflict in other post-Soviet states. This article argues that the situation in the Baltic States is unique, recommends amending domestic language policies to achieve effective minority integration, inclusion, accommodation, generating stable democratic rule.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Till Burckhardt ◽  
John Coakley ◽  
László Marácz

Abstract This article revisits a well-known dichotomy (the ‘territorial’ and ‘personal’ principles) and develops a four-element classification of state approaches (from the most generous to the most menacing, from the perspective of speakers of minority languages). The article examines the implications for language policy of geographically dispersed or spatially concentrated patterns of distribution of speakers of particular languages. We begin by exploring the general literature on language policy, focusing in particular on the territorial and personal principles, the use of ‘threshold rules’ at municipal and other subnational levels, and the hybrid language regimes that are often a consequence of sociolinguistic complexity. We consider the extent to which responses to linguistic diversity across Europe may be understood by reference to these principles and categories. We explain why we have selected particular case studies (the Baltic republics, Transylvania, Switzerland, Belgium and Ireland) for further exploration. We conclude that, notwithstanding the value of the typologies we consider, real-life cases are almost invariably more complex, with states implementing policies that defy categorisation, that may change over time, and that may treat different language minorities by reference to different principles.


Author(s):  
Andrei Bagaev ◽  
Andrei Bagaev ◽  
Irina Chubarenko ◽  
Irina Chubarenko

An overview of modern approaches to the problem of parametrisation of sources of marine waters microplastics pollution from the coastline is conducted. The estimates of Europe’s plastic production along with mismanaged plastic waste percentage that might be the source of microplastics particles input to marine environment are presented. A semi-empirical for-mulation for the particles source intensity is suggested. It considers the main factors of local anthropogenic pressure for the coastal spot location for the given coordinates. Both ad-vantages and disadvantages of such an approach along with possible ways for improvement are discussed.


Author(s):  
Andrei Bagaev ◽  
Andrei Bagaev ◽  
Irina Chubarenko ◽  
Irina Chubarenko

An overview of modern approaches to the problem of parametrisation of sources of marine waters microplastics pollution from the coastline is conducted. The estimates of Europe’s plastic production along with mismanaged plastic waste percentage that might be the source of microplastics particles input to marine environment are presented. A semi-empirical for-mulation for the particles source intensity is suggested. It considers the main factors of local anthropogenic pressure for the coastal spot location for the given coordinates. Both ad-vantages and disadvantages of such an approach along with possible ways for improvement are discussed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 51-89
Author(s):  
Mariya Riekkinen

From the perspective of the rights of minorities in Europe, this section overviews international developments concerning economic and socio-cultural entitlements, including those related to education and the media. It is thematically structured around two clusters related to the minority rights: (a) cultural activities and facilities, including the media; and (b) economic and social life, including education, which are covered by the provisions of the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages (ETS. No. 148). This review starts with an analysis of the 2016 developments at the UN level, and continues with an overview of advancements at the levels of the OSCE, the EU, and the Council of Europe. The adoption of the Thematic Commentary No. 4 “The Scope of Application of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities” by the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (ACFC) is among the most important highlights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tove H. Malloy ◽  
Sonja Wolf

Language equality is not public policy in Denmark or Germany, and neither country has adopted an official state language constitutionally. Both countries protect minority languages through regional and local statutes on culture and education and have signed relevant international standards on linguistic rights for minorities and protection of regional or minority languages. Neither system is very transparent, nor comprehensive. This has created consternation and dissatisfaction among the national minorities residing in the Danish-German border region resulting in recent tensions in the municipalities in Southern Denmark, whereas the government of Schleswig-Holstein decided in 2015 to address the issue with policy reforms for public administration. This article focuses on linguistic minority rights in the Danish-German border region with specific attention to minority languages in public administration and specifically to the on-going reforms in Schleswig-Holstein.


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