Civil society versus nationalizing state? Advocacy of minority rights in the post-socialist Baltic states

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruna Lima Selau ◽  
Douglas Francisco Kovaleski ◽  
Marina Bastos Paim

Abstract After the redemocratization, partnerships between the State and civil-society organizations have been guaranteed by the Constitution as a democratic tool. With the rise of neoliberalism and the decrease in State investments in social policies, such organizations have become protagonists in the health care, education, and protection of children in vulnerable situations. This study aims to analyze health promotion in the care for children and adolescents in a Civil-Society Organization (CSO) in Florianopolis-SC, Brazil. This is a case study with a qualitative approach in which semi-structured interviews were conducted, transcribed and analyzed using the thematic analysis method. The analysis resulted in two empirical categories: (1) Weaving networks between the State and Civil Society: intersectorality in health promotion; and (2) CSOs and the paths and deviations in pursuit of emancipatory health promotion. The analysis showed that, although CSOs include several health promotion initiatives for children and adolescents, intersectoral work still lacks effectiveness. Moreover, for emancipatory health promotion, it is necessary to work towards community empowerment and education for critical and social reflection.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vorotnikov

The article examines the structure of national historical mythology of the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) with an emphasis on the foreign policy dimension based on the analysis of their issues of the postage stamps. Since issuing of the postage stamps is a product of consensus between the state and civil society, their topics and images presented on them, on the one hand, may be considered as a part of the semiotic model of the state image, thus reflecting its stance on processes, events, phenomena or personalities of the past and the present and, accordingly, shaping, transforming or supporting a certain nation-forming mythology or state ideology; on the other hand, they reflect mass perceptions of the dominant national historical narrative, and often the priorities of contemporary politics. Due to the specifics of the Baltic states’ history and the dominant values and ideology of their political class, the mainstream historical narrative is inevitably turned outward, that makes the analysis of its main elements extremely operational in the study of their strategic cultures. The article proposes the author's attitude to categorizing and highlighting the main chronological and thematic elements of the arrays of postage stamps of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia from 1990 to 2020. On the basis of discourse and selective iconographic analysis, the key elements of national historical narratives and their coherence with the foreign political positioning and strategies of the Baltic states are identified and analyzed. A comparative analysis of the three country cases allows us to pinpoint their relative proximity as well as some specific features.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadežda Semjonova

AbstractThe present paper applies recently developed consolidated indicator of the state financial security to the situation in Baltic States and some EU countries. The indicator summarises a number of economic and financial parameters relevant to the financial independence of the country. The resulting indicator demonstrates a reasonable correlation with sovereign Fitch rating both for Baltic States and the “old” EU countries, but Fitch rating gives more optimistic evaluation for old EU countries.


SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824402110615
Author(s):  
Cecilia Santilli ◽  
Roberto Scaramuzzino

The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between individual leaders’ career trajectories and organizational structure and identity in Italian civil society organizations (CSOs) active at national level. The analysis in this qualitative study draws on two sets of data, semi-structured interviews with leaders on their career trajectories and their understanding of what it takes to become a leader of a CSO and short biographies of leaders’ career trajectories. Three main representational logics are idenitified: within: multi-level, within: member-organization, and outside: supporting organization. The two first logics are based on a trajectory within the organizations either departing from the local and regional levels of the same organizations or within one or more member organizations. The third logic is based on a trajectory outside the organization that is marked by the ideological affiliation of the president through leading positions in other organizations within the same movement or field.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgia Jewett

Abstract Civil conflicts are more intractable and complex than ever before. In these conflicts, civilians are increasingly targeted and weaponized. Yet, because civilians are disproportionately affected by the ensuing violence and instability, they also have a larger role to play in the peacemaking process. This stems from the fact that local civil society organizations (CSO) assume new responsibilities vis-a-vis their communities as the state disintegrates. They often became the coordinators and providers of basic security and services. Unsurprisingly, CSO leaders often emerge as the only credible and authoritative actors in this complex environment, trusted by both the disputing parties and the affected communities. This article argues that CSOs are necessary to any international mediation process; however, they must be leveraged in conjunction with conventional third party mediator resources (that is, financial, technical and military assistance) to maximize the potential of an enduring peace deal.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-150
Author(s):  
Svaja Vansauskas Worthington

The usually cheerful Insight Travel Guide to the Baltic States offers this synopsis of the Baltic situation:Their independence was sentenced to death by the Nazi–Soviet Pact [the secret 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact] just before World War II. The pact envisaged the Baltic States would be parceled out between them, but it was overtaken by events with Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 … Among few other people did the Soviet mill grind finer than in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania … The final injustice was the permanent imposition of Soviet rule and Stalinist terror. Anyone a visitor meets today in the Baltics is likely to have a relation who was sent to Siberia or simply shot.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 67-91
Author(s):  
PEDRO HENRIQUE PEDREIRA CAMPOS

O presente artigo dedica-se a analisar a diná¢mica da sociedade civil brasileira ao longo da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1988), atentando para a trajetória das formas organizativas do empresariado e dos trabalhadores. Enfatizamos especificamente as formas de associação dos empresários da indústria da construção, percebendo como o Estado ditatorial agiu em relação a esses agentes, em contraste com a polá­tica direcionada aos operários do mesmo setor. Verificamos uma intensa repressão á s formas de organização popular durante o regime e livre funcionamento das associações empresariais, que se multiplicaram, fortaleceram-se e ampliaram seus canais de ação junto ao aparelho de Estado, com poder de pautar em certa medida as polá­ticas estatais implementadas no perá­odo. Concluá­mos que esse fenômeno levou á  redefinição da arena da luta de classes na sociedade brasileira e afetou a forma como se deu o processo de transição polá­tica e a correlação de forças com o advento da Nova República.Palavras-chave: Ditadura civil-militar. Estado ampliado. Sociedade civil.  DICTATORSHIP AND SOCIAL CLASSES IN BRAZIL: the business and labor organizations of the construction industry during the civil-military regime (1964-1988)Abstract: This article analyzes the dynamics of the Brazilian civil society during the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1988), considering the trajectory of the organizational forms of the businessmen and the workers. We specifically emphasize the forms of association of entrepreneurs in the construction industry, perceiving how the dictatorial State acted in relation to these agents, in contrast to the policy directed to the workers of the same sector. We verified an intense repression of the forms of popular organization during the regime and free operation of the business associations, which multiplied, strengthened and expanded their channels of action with the aid of the State apparatus, holding the power to govern, to some extent, the State policies implemented in the period. We conclude that this phenomenon led to the redefinition of the arena of class struggle in the Brazilian society and affected the way in which the process of political transition took place and the correlation of forces with the advent of the New Republic.Keywords: Civil-military dictatorship. Expanded state. Civil society.  DICTADURA Y CLASES SOCIALES EN BRASIL: las organizaciones empresariales y laborales de la industria de la construcción durante el régimen civil-militar (1964-1988)Resumen: El presente artá­culo se dedica a analizar la dinámica de la sociedad civil brasileña a lo largo de la dictadura civil-militar (1964-1988), atentando para la trayectoria de las formas organizativas del empresariado y de los trabajadores. Enfatizamos especá­ficamente las formas de asociación de los empresarios de la industria de la construcción, percibiendo cómo el Estado dictatorial actuó en relación a esos agentes, en contraste con la polá­tica dirigida a los obreros del mismo sector. Verificamos una intensa represión a las formas de organización popular durante el régimen y libre funcionamiento de las asociaciones empresariales, que se multiplicaron, se fortalecieron y ampliaron sus canales de acción junto al aparato de Estado, con poder de pautar en cierta medida las polá­ticas estatales implementadas en el perá­odo. Concluimos que ese fenómeno llevó a la redefinición de la arena de la lucha de clases en la sociedad brasileña y afectó la forma como se dio el proceso de transición polá­tica y la correlación de fuerzas con el advenimiento de la Nueva RepúblicaPalabras clave: Dictadura civil-militar. Estado ampliado. Sociedad civil.


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