PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES AND U.S. DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE: 1972–1980

1981 ◽  
Vol 9 (13-14) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
CARMENCITA T. AGUILAR
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Eva Kovarova

Civil society organizations represent important actors in delivery of development assistance. International community recognizes them not only as actors on their own, but also as the contractors of the official governmental programmes and projects. Their involvement in development policies of donor countries has been especially emphasized since the 1990s, and it is generally regarded as valuable in fulfilment of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Governments of the Central European Countries also cooperate with civil society organizations in development policies, and use them inter alia as the channels for aid delivery. However, the level in which governments use their services in delivery of the Official Development Assistance differs. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to identify and evaluate territorial and sectoral distribution of the ODA gross disbursements of Czechia channelled using civil society organizations, and to compare this distribution with the ones found in Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Through civil society organizations Czechia has allocated nearly 1⁄4 of its total volume of ODA gross disbursements related to individual programmes and projects during the period between 2014 and 2018. However, the Hungarian government cooperated with civil society organizations marginally, and their participation reached a maximum level of 6% in 2018. Civil society organizations, participating in development policies of the Central European Countries, were involved mainly in the programmes and projects concerning social infrastructure and services, which complies with their traditional and most common roles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 997
Author(s):  
Pablo Bandeira Greño ◽  
Arturo Warleta González

This article analyzes the situation and the current challenges of Spanish development assistance aimed at public institutional development. First, we try to define what we mean by the concept of "public institutional development", as against the idea of "increasing organizational resources". Secondly we analyze the quantitative importance of Spanish cooperation granted to such actions based mainly on the 2010 PACI tracking database. Then we the main strengths and weaknesses of our cooperation in this sector, on the basis of semi-open interviews carried out with technical personnel of three public cooperation agencies, 17 NGO and the evaluations carried out by the Directorate- General of planning and evaluation of development policies. The article ends with a series of conclusions and recommendations for the Spanish aid in this sector to be more effective.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah Zamore

There is a consensus among global policymakers that the challenges facing refugees today arise, in no small part, from the treatment of forced displacement as predominately a short-term humanitarian problem and the consequent exclusion of refugees from long-term development assistance. This paper agrees that refugees — a majority of whom spend years, a large number decades, some lifetimes in exile — constitute a development challenge, not only a humanitarian one. But it departs from the prevailing consensus which has tended to underemphasize the historical role of certain development policies in contributing to the status quo of refugee poverty in the first place. The paper places particular emphasis in that regard on policies of austerity and of laissez-faire. In their stead, it argues in favor of approaches to development that are proactively egalitarian and redistributive.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Serene J. Khader

This paper morally evaluates the phenomenon Sylvia Chant calls "the feminization of responsibility," wherein women's unrecognized labor subsidizes international development while men retain or increase their power over women. I argue that development policies that feminize responsibility are incompatible with justice in two ways. First, such policies involve Northerners extracting unpaid labor from women in the global South. Northerners are obligated to provide development assistance, but they are transferring the labor of providing it onto women in the global South and expecting them to do it for free. Second, development policies that feminize responsibility increase women's exposure to sexist domination. These two problems are present irrespective of whether policies that feminize responsibility improve women's basic well-being.  


Author(s):  
David M. Webber

Having mapped out in the previous chapter, New Labour’s often contradictory and even ‘politically-convenient’ understanding of globalisation, chapter 3 offers analysis of three key areas of domestic policy that Gordon Brown would later transpose to the realm of international development: (i) macroeconomic policy, (ii) business, and (iii) welfare. Since, according to Brown at least, globalisation had resulted in a blurring of the previously distinct spheres of domestic and foreign policy, it made sense for those strategies and policy decisions designed for consumption at home to be transposed abroad. The focus of this chapter is the design of these three areas of domestic policy; the unmistakeable imprint of Brown in these areas and their place in building of New Labour’s political economy. Strikingly, Brown’s hand in these policies and the themes that underpinned them would again reappear in the international development policies explored in much greater detail later in the book.


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Yiftachel

This article examines the evolving relations between Israel and the indigenous Bedouin Arab population of the southern Beer-Sheba region. It begins with a discussion of theoretical aspects, highlighting a structural conflict embedded in the ‘ethnocratic’ nature of nation-building typical of ‘pure’ settler states, such as Israel. The place of the Bedouin Arab community is then analyzed, focusing on the impact of one of Israel's central policies—the Judaization of territory. The study traces the various legal, planning and economic strategies of Judaizing contested lands in the study area. These have included the nationalization of Arab land, the pervasive establishment of Jewish settlements, the forced urbanization of the Bedouin Arabs, and the denial of basic services to Bedouins who refuse to urbanize. However, the analysis also finds a growing awareness among indigenous Arabs of their being discriminated against on ethnic grounds, and the emergence of effective resistance. In recent years, this has resulted in a deadlock between state authorities and the indigenous peoples. The case of the Bedouin Arabs demonstrates that the ethnocentric settler state is weakening and fragmenting, partially at least, due to its own expansionist land, planning and development policies.


2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Szalavetz

This paper discusses the relation between the quality and quantity indicators of physical capital and modernisation. While international academic literature emphasises the role of intangible factors enabling technology generation and absorption rather than that of physical capital accumulation, this paper argues that the quantity and quality of physical capital are important modernisation factors, particularly in the case of small, undercapitalised countries that recently integrated into the world economy. The paper shows that in Hungary, as opposed to developed countries, the technological upgrading of capital assets was not necessarily accompanied by the upgrading of human capital i.e. the thesis of capital skill complementarity did not apply to the first decade of transformation and capital accumulation in Hungary. Finally, the paper shows that there are large differences between the average technological levels of individual industries. The dualism of the Hungarian economy, which is also manifest in terms of differences in the size of individual industries' technological gaps, is a disadvantage from the point of view of competitiveness. The increasing differences in the size of the technological gaps can be explained not only with industry-specific factors, but also with the weakness of technology and regional development policies, as well as with institutional deficiencies.


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