Unrepresented Adults Face Adverse Healthcare Consequences: The Role of Guardians, Public Guardianship Reform, and Alternative Policy Solutions

Author(s):  
Casey C. Catlin ◽  
Heather L. Connors ◽  
Pamela B. Teaster ◽  
Erica Wood ◽  
Zachary S. Sager ◽  
...  
Transfers ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ueli Haefeli ◽  
Fritz Kobi ◽  
Ulrich Seewer

Based on analysis of two case studies in the Canton of Bern, this article examines the question of knowledge transfer from history to transport policy and planning in the recent past in Switzerland. It shows that for several reasons, direct knowledge transfer did not occur. In particular, historians have seldom become actively involved in transport planning and policy discourses, probably partly because the academic system offers no incentive to do so. However, historical knowledge has certainly influenced decision-making processes indirectly, via personal reflection of the actors in the world of practice or through Switzerland's strongly developed modes of political participation. Because the potential for knowledge transfer to contribute to better policy solutions has not been fully utilized, we recommend strengthening the role of existing interfaces between science and policy.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
OCTO

Ecosystems provide an array of direct and indirect services to human populations. In tropical marine areas, such ecosystem services often include food provision (i.e., fishing) and ecotourism (i.e., diving). In cases where there are conflicts between these services – such as where fishers want to fish but divers want to see abundant, biodiverse ecosystems – examining the economics of various alternative policy solutions may be useful.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S601-S601
Author(s):  
Andrew MacPherson

Abstract The Coalition to End Social Isolation and Loneliness convenes a diverse group of allied stakeholders, including consumer and patient groups, health plans, community-based organizations, private sector researchers and innovators, and others, to address the epidemic of social isolation and loneliness. The Coalition is developing and advocating for bipartisan federal policy solutions to provide individuals the support they need to be socially engaged. This session will describe the role of the Coalition in engaging stakeholders, promoting innovative research, and advocating for policy changes that combat the adverse consequences of social isolation and loneliness and advance approaches and practices that improve social connectedness for all Americans.


2017 ◽  
Vol 79 (4) ◽  
pp. 649-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gianna Englert

AbstractTocqueville's writings on pauperism have gained renewed attention in the last decade. Scholars study hisMemoir on Pauperism(1835) to contextualize his thought in the nineteenth century, to question the extent of his liberalism, or to locate his policy solutions on a spectrum from private charity to state welfare. Yet Tocqueville's response to pauperism must be interpreted in light of “the social question,” or the problem of how to alleviate not only the material ills of poverty, but also the phenomenon of social exclusion that accompanied it. His discussion of the social question, I argue, illuminates his particular theory of rights and their possibilities. His thoughts on the poor laws culminate in a novel theory of the educative potential of property rights. This theory of rights prompts us to revisit his position on extending political rights and on the role of political participation in overcoming class division.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 949-974 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIAMPAOLO GARZARELLI ◽  
LYNDAL KEETON

AbstractThis article contributes to an institutional economics analysis of the public economy by answering the following question: what is the role of intergovernmental grants in laboratory federalism? In line with factual evidence, the fiscal federalism literature on policy experimentation hints that grants can be employed to stimulate policy innovation through trial and error learning. Yet it lacks a theory of policy experimentation through grants, meaning that, in effect, we lack a fiscal theory of laboratory federalism. In the proposed approach, an intergovernmental grant is likened to a fiscal institution for political compromise between levels of government that frames policy experimentation options and constraints. At the same time, since policy solutions are not always easy to find or to implement, policy experimentation requires some degree of flexibility. Thus, the article shows that the extent of experimentation induced by a grant is influenced (or, more fashionably, nudged) by the conditionality attached to the grant. It argues, moreover, that if a grantor would like to induce more (less) experimentation, then, all other things equal, a grant with fewer (more) conditions attached should fare better than a grant with more (fewer) conditions attached.


2018 ◽  
pp. 259
Author(s):  
Benjamin Levin

It has become popular to identify a “consensus” on criminal justice reform, but how deep is that consensus, actually? This Article argues that the purported consensus is much more limited than it initially appears. Despite shared reformist vocabulary, the consensus rests on distinct critiques that identify different flaws and justify distinct policy solutions. The underlying disagreements transcend traditional left/right political divides and speak to deeper disputes about the state and the role of criminal law in society. The Article maps two prevailing, but fundamentally distinct, critiques of criminal law: (1) the quantitative approach (what I call the “over” frame); and (2) the qualitative approach (what I call the “mass” frame). The “over” frame grows from a belief that criminal law has an important and legitimate function, but that the law’s operations have exceeded that function. This critique assumes that there are optimal rates of incarceration and criminalization, but the current criminal system is suboptimal in that it has criminalized too much and incarcerated too many. In contrast, the “mass” frame focuses on criminal law as a sociocultural phenomenon. This reformist frame indicates that the issue is not a mere miscalculation; rather, reforms should address how the system marginalizes populations and exacerbates both power imbalances and distributional inequities. To show how these frames differ, this Article applies the “over” and the “mass” critique, in turn, to the maligned phenomena of mass incarceration and overcriminalization. The existing literature on mass incarceration and overcriminalization displays an elision between these two frames. Some scholars and reformers have adopted one frame exclusively, while others use the two interchangeably. No matter how much scholars and critics bemoan the troubles of mass incarceration and overcriminalization, it is hard to believe that they can achieve meaningful reform if they are talking about fundamentally different problems. While many scholars may adopt an “over” frame in an effort to attract a broader range of support or appeal to politicians, “over” policy proposals do not necessarily reach deeper “mass” concerns. Ultimately, this Article argues that a pragmatic turn to the “over” frame may have significant costs in legitimating deeper structural flaws and failing to address distributional issues of race, class, and power at the heart of the “mass” critique.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 99-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davide Viaggi ◽  
Sergio Gomez y Paloma ◽  
Ashok Mishra ◽  
Meri Raggi

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Amy N. Farley ◽  
Bethy Leonardi ◽  
Jamel K. Donnor

The 2021 Politics of Education Yearbook brings together scholars from diverse theoretical orientations—including policy studies, critical trans politics, and Critical Race Theory—to explore the politics of distraction within education policymaking. This introductory article previews the work included in the Yearbook and presents a grounding framework for policy distraction, which we define as a persistent focus on a narrowly defined set of policy solutions that diverts attention from root causes, structural forces, and historical/contextual circumstances (Bell, 2003; Giroux, 2013, 2017; Spade, 2011, 2013, 2015). We articulate five elements of policy distraction. They (a) rely on narrow policy frames to address educational problems of practice; (b) name phenomena in ways that affect our understanding; and (c) largely ignore inequalities and structural conditions. In doing so, they may (d) reinforce the status quo; and (e) reify ideas of what counts as normal or, alternatively, as deviant (Spade, 2011).


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gideon Ofosu-Peasah

Abstract Estimates show that Ghana losses approximately 30 percent of domestic revenue to corruption. Although losses due to corruption in Ghana’s extractive sector have not yet been quantified, the sector is plagued with incidents of corruption despite the country's commitment to international conventions, transparency mechanisms and best practices. A concerted efforts by state and non-actors is key to ease this canker. Understanding the role of CSOs and media in exposing corruption, promoting oversight and identifying the enablers and obstacles to their work is key to informing practise in the development space. This study examines the role of CSOs and media in the fight against extractive sector corruption. It identifies political economy factors that enable or hinder them in exposing corruption. Lastly, it identifies practical suggestions for surmounting the identified adverse political and economic factors. The research examines two cases of corruption, based on a desktop review and a survey of 11 state and non-state actors. A direct association between the role of CSOs and media and the level of corruption were established. Coalition building, using legal suits, sustaining advocacy, collaborations between media and CSOs are some enabling political economy factors identified. Inadequate resources to sustain advocacy, excessive duplicity of roles amongst oversight institutions, vested interests in extractive sector, inadequate prosecution of offenders by the legal system, inadequate evidence-based policy solutions by government, inadequate political will, limited access to information; little or no funding for legal action, increasing CSO and media employee turnover rates, are identified as some key political economy factors militating against efforts towards stemming corruption in Ghana’s extractive sector. These findings provide reliable information for CSOs and media in development practice, informs advocacy design, evaluates and improves media and CSO effectiveness in ridding the extractive sector of corruption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (12) ◽  
pp. 2163-2193
Author(s):  
Adam Rose ◽  
Philip Ganderton ◽  
Jonathan Eyer ◽  
Dan Wei ◽  
Raphael Bostic ◽  
...  

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