Sacrifice, Consumption, and the American Way of Life: Advertising and Domestic Propaganda during World War II

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dannagal Goldthwaite Young
Author(s):  
Jason G. Strange

The second of three chapters exploring the history of homesteading in the area around Berea, Kentucky, chapter 3 presents the story of rural subsistence from the late 1800s up to the economic boom generated by World War II. The chapter is framed in terms of the “parable of enclosure”--the idea that yeoman farmers would not voluntarily trade independent livelihood for capitalist wage labor--and argues that as industry and technology generated ever more advanced consumer goods (for example, refrigerators, radios, antibiotics), the peasant way of life became outmoded; once wage labor became available in the factories of the north, millions of Appalachians left the mountains. But, as the chapter documents, some chose to return to a homesteading life, forming an overlooked back-to-the-land movement.


Author(s):  
Danilo Mandić

This chapter focuses on West Africa during 1989–2019. West Africa's transnational smuggling enterprises are hardly a novelty — or as menacing as they sound. Troc, or barter trade, is a way of life that preceded and survived colonialism. Commerce is known as al-frud, from the French fraude (fraud), reflecting the World War II-era tradition of regional smuggling. What is new in the globalized period is that mafias in five nations — and just as many budding ones — have played formative roles in regional politics. Three of the host states (Mali, Senegal, and Nigeria) were significantly torn by ethnocentric, separatist-controlled rackets in drugs and migrants (Azawad), marijuana (Casamance), and extortion (Boko Haram). Nigeria employed ethnocentric Niger Delta mafias to fight its northern separatists. In Niger's Agadez and Cameroon's Ambazonia, however, organized crime promoted cohesion.


Author(s):  
Frederick Cooper

At the end of World War II, Britain and France tried to find new bases for the legitimacy of empire. Their hesitant moves created openings that African political movements exploited. Scholars have tried to capture the excitement of this process, first focusing on the drive to create nation-states, then exploring other possibilities, both regions within territorial states and federations among them. Historians have drawn on archives and interviews as well as a wide variety of texts produced by political movements. Although Africans had long conducted politics through both local idioms and pan-African connections, the postwar openings led political movements to focus on arenas where they could achieve results. In French Africa, this entailed a partially successful struggle for French citizenship, representation in both the French and territorial legislatures, and social and economic equality with other French citizens. Eventually the French government tried to diffuse claim-making by devolving internal autonomy to territorial governments. When Guinea obtained independence in 1958 and other African leaders differed over whether they should create a francophone African federation within a Franco-African confederation or participate as equals in a French federation, the movements shifted to seeking independence and a new relationship with France. Britain failed to get African politicians to focus on local governance. Instead, politicians demanded power in each colony. Meanwhile, Britain tried to appease African social movements with a program of economic development only to face escalating demands and heightened conflict. Although fearful of disorder and corruption, the government decided that the best it could hope for was to have attracted Africans to a British way of life and to achieve friendly relations with African governments that, led by Ghana, came into power.


Author(s):  
Kathleen M. German

Considering their historically marginalized place in American democracy, one wonders why African Americans bothered to fight in any American conflict. This conundrum is especially perplexing in World War II, a war to free millions from tyranny. Scholars have neglected to ask the fundamental question; why did the African American community send thousands of men to fight for a democratic way of life in which they could not fully participate? The answers to this question, and there are undoubtedly multiple responses, may shed light on contemporary quandaries–situations that involve military mobilization for the good, not of the whole society, but of narrow constituencies. This is the central question of this book. The chapters explore the cultural context where citizenship for African Americans was negotiated through military service.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355
Author(s):  
SARAH FROHARDT-LANE

World War II, some scholars have argued, interrupted Americans’ “love affair” with the automobile. According to this school of thought, gasoline rationing temporarily curtailed car driving and suspended car culture before both surged in the postwar era. This essay argues that World War II strengthened, rather than interrupted, Americans’ attachment to the automobile and solidified driving as a fundamental part of American culture. Ration boards distinguished between “essential” and “nonessential” driving and justified gasoline rationing as the only method to preserve civilian driving when supplies of gasoline were low. Thus at the same time as government and private industry were encouraging Americans to limit their driving, they were sending a strong message that Americans needed to drive and that foregoing driving whenever one wanted was a true, if temporary, hardship. Advertisements and government propaganda conflated car ownership with citizenship and portrayed driving as integral to the American way of life. But this mode of citizenship was not available to all: posters, pamphlets, and advertisements portrayed the American driver almost exclusively as white and most often as male. Such depictions implied that the mobility and independence that driving afforded were the sole domain of white American men.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Carlos L. Marcos

<p class="Cuerpo">After World War II a new order emerged amongst the ruins, the devastation and the Allied triumph. The United States, more than any other country, emerged as a new world power with an optimism founded on victory as much as on its untouched territory and on its economy boosted by the military industrial complex. Architecture in the 50s could not avoid being part of the American dream. Would it be possible to find an architectural image to embody such an aspiration? In other words, would it be possible to conceive an architectural iconography tuned with technology, progress, freedom, individualism, and the familiar image for domestic architecture capable of assuming the symbolism and the characteristic optimism of the American way of life? That was the goal pursued by John Entenza, editor of the influential Arts &amp; Architecture journal, and advocate of the Case Study House Program. The glazed box could assume much of the imagery associated with a new way of life for various reasons. Indeed, it served as an iconography for the domestic architecture of the period inspired in industrialisation or in the hybridisation of steel and the balloon-frame constructive system as a pretext diversely reinterpreted in the Case Study Houses later to become icons of a Californian modern domesticity.<em></em></p>


Author(s):  
Tomasz MARCYSIAK ◽  
Piotr PRUS

Many regions in Poland are said to be a unique example of preservation of cultural heritage. These include many examples of Pomorskie, Kujawsko-Pomorskie, Wielkopolskie and Dolnoslaskie voivodships. These regions are known to preserve the traditional way of life and customs as well as the architecture, especially the sacral architecture. It is also much easier to build mutual trust and social capital in them, because people from those regions can always refer to the universal values of their ancestors. However, there are also regions which, under the influence of migration and post-displacement processes after World War II, have lost their cultural and social character. Economic emigrants and displaced people from the Eastern Borderlands and Central Poland shared poverty and desire to settle. Will they succeed, and is there a chance to recreate and build a new identity? Those are the questions we are trying to answer, and the following article presents some of the results. By moving the border of autobiographical and ethnographic methods, authors adopt an autoethnographic method (narrative interviews, participant observation, biographical methods), which means turning to narratives as a way of research and as an expression of the search for a different relationship between the researcher and the subject and between the author and the reader. The researchers use their own experiences as a source of description of the culture in which they participate and examine. As a result, the text is a story created by the local community and researchers, aimed at reproducing and creating identity in the post-immigrant rural communities based on experienced and historical memory. The research was conducted in the years 2016-2017 in the above mentioned voivodships.


2022 ◽  
pp. 659-683
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Zeiler
Keyword(s):  

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