'Metaverse' concept gains traction in China

Significance The government, meanwhile, is alert for potential threats to national security. Impacts Manufacturers of wearable devices will likely experience greater demand. The metaverse may become a platform for government propaganda and social programmes such as education and healthcare. Beijing will pioneer regulatory approaches that, if successful, may be imitated elsewhere.

Beyond the Bioceanic Route: indigenous crafts and the potential of ethno-tourism in the southwest of Mato Grosso do Sul

The object of this article is the relationship between indigenous crafts and the potential of ethno-tourism in the southwest of Mato Grosso do Sul. With the implementation of the Bi-oceanic Route, government propaganda has been promising that this economic corridor will stimulate tourism, hence the objective of probing the potential of ethno-tourism in that region, which will directly suffer a great impact as a result of this large-scale undertaking. The theoretical-methodological framework is based on the basic assumption that human productions necessarily result from work, hence the need to treat them as social relations. Therefore, the object of research only acquires understanding within the most general frameworks of capitalist society, expressed by categories such as capital, labor, labor force, market, merchandise, among others. Regarding the methodology, the empirical data survey looked for primary sources of a documentary and imaginary nature, especially photographs. Systematic observations were also recovered in work siltation, carried out both in production and commercialization stations of indigenous artifacts. Secondary sources relevant to the object were also raised, such as catalogs, scientific articles, master's dissertations, doctoral theses, books, and book chapters. To make ethno-tourism viable, the general conclusion is that it invests in a set of initiatives, planned in an integrated and continuous manner within a permanent project. In this group, the improvement of ethnic artifacts is urgent; the recovery and systematic maintenance of the access roads to indigenous lands, as well as the restoration and adaptation of the buildings already available in the villages, with a view to adapting them to the provision of services and products to tourists.

The African Participation and Experiences in the First and Second World Wars in Northern Rhodesia: A Historical Perspective 1914–1948

Unlike existing studies that examined each of the two World Wars and Africans separately, this study explores African participation and experiences in the First and Second World Wars in Northern Rhodesia (colonial Zambia) together during the period, 1914–1948. A lot has been written on the history of the World Wars in colonial Africa. However, there is not much literature that focuses on African participation and experiences during the two world wars. This study is focused on the core theme, that is, the role played by Africans in both World Wars. This is the main theme that informs the study. The core theme is sub-divided into the following three sub-themes: the making of the Northern Rhodesia Police under the British South African Company, BSACo, a Chartered Company that prohibited by law from housing a standing; recruitment of personnel for the Northern Rhodesia Regiment; the role played by traditional authorities in the recruitment of ‘Askari’ – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers and the role of government propaganda while bringing to the fore African agency during both Wars. Also discussed in the study is the demobilisation process in which African servicemen – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers – felt cheated by an Empire-wide system of racial discrimination and hierarchy. Although an expanded government propaganda machinery contributed to the growth of an African political voice in Northern Rhodesia during the period, 1914–1948, that political voice neither included nor translated to much debate or discussion about the concerns of African ex-servicemen and their personal affairs. The study equally examines how their state of affairs affected the relationship between the ex-servicemen and their traditional leaders who were active in the recruitment process that brought them into the Wars in the first place. The study concludes with the re-examination of the older arguments that African servicemen did not play an active role in nationalist politics after the World Wars, and submits otherwise, that is, that they actually did.

Populist attitudes and conspiratorial thinking

What happens to the anti-establishment sentiments of pro-incumbent voters for a populist force that is in government and thus controls the political system? This article examines this question utilizing the case of Turkey, a country in which a populist force has been in power for more than a decade. By analyzing populist attitudes among a nationally representative sample, we demonstrate that while the voters of the incumbent populist party (AKP) are less likely, compared to everyone else, to hold populist sentiments, the same voters are also substantially more likely to endorse conspiracy theories that center on malign foreign powers. This finding is relevant beyond Turkey, because it demonstrates that populist forces might be able to maintain popular support and thus stay in power for a long stretch of time by employing government propaganda to fuel an antagonism against conspiratorial foreign and global forces.

A Comparative Study of Police Government Microblog and Government Tik Tok

Based on "government micro-blog" and "government tiktok" of Chinese Police Online, this paper collects data with the help of Octopus Collector and Python, then studies the status quo of Chinese police on-line through two new government media platforms: Weibo and Weibo public security organs to use new media to carry out government propaganda and public opinion guidance and control work.

On the question of speech portraits of political propagandists

Based on the analysis of the oral public speech of popular publicists (S. A. Mikheev and I. N. Panarin) working in electronic media and the Internet, the article attempts to characterize the stylistic and semantic originality of modern Russian pro-government propaganda. The dependence of the nature of the linguistic features of propaganda on such factors as the personality of the propagandist, the scope of his activities, and the nature of the transmission is established. It is shown that the personal qualities of Mikheev is conditioned by such features of his speech as emotionality, exceeding the permissible volume level, and careless pronunciation style, while Professor Panarin is characterized by an academic manner of speech with its inherent consideration of the opposite point of view, argumentation, and respect for the audience. It is claimed that the influence of the sphere of activity (Mikheev works in electronic media, such as Evening with Vladimir Solovyov, the radio program Iron Logic, Panarin conducts an analytical program Igor Panarin. World Politics on the YouTube channel) is found in taking into account the composition and request of the audience to which the propaganda is directed. Television discussion allows rudeness, verbal aggression, reduced vocabulary, political banter, logic of the absurd, direct insults, and threats to opponents. Analytical transmission involves the strategic forecasting of events filled with the metaphysics of propaganda, the creation of mythologies, the use of allegories, and hints. It is proved that despite the almost opposite stylistic format, the propaganda discourse of Mikheev and Panarina is characterized by common dominant semantic categories, such as traditional family values, religiosity, conservatism, protection of the interests of the state, humanistic maximalism, and the historical continuity of Russia.

Sounding Off

The only traces of Etta Moten Barnett’s 1950s–’60s radio program, I Remember When, exist on well-worn cassette tapes (recently digitized) at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in Harlem. On these tapes are the only traces of not only Moten Barnett’s own career but also the immense network of activists, educators, and Pan-Africanists with whom she interacted. Many of them are now long forgotten or exist in the footnotes of better-known figures (often their husbands). What could be considered a project of recovery is also a project of tracing the use Black women made of radio broadcasting. I Remember When also provides an intriguing counternarrative to existing scholarship on Cold War radio history, which instead of looking West to East and from the perspective of government propaganda, now traces the networks across the diaspora in the struggle for independence and self-determination. Bringing the focus to Etta Moten Barnett and other Black women in radio raises questions about their stake in citizenship and political solidarity in this period. Through transcribing original broadcast recordings, and reading correspondence and newspaper articles, this paper documents the process of recovery, the cultural connections between women across the African diaspora, and their formation of a global Black community.