Political meritocracy and populism: cure or curse?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Toygar Sinan Baykan
Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Lay politics lies at the heart of democracy. Political offices are the only offices for which no formal qualifications are required. Contemporary political practices are diametrically opposed to this constitutional ideal. Most contemporary democracies in Western Europe are diploma democracies—ruled by those with the highest formal qualifications. Citizens with low or medium educational qualification levels currently make up about 70 per cent of the electorates, yet they have become virtually absent from almost all political arenas. University graduates have come to dominate all relevant political institutions and venues, from political parties, parliaments and cabinets, to organized interests, deliberative settings, and internet consultations. This rise of a political meritocracy is part of larger trend. In the information society, educational background, like class, or religion, is an important source of social and political divides. Those who are well educated tend to be cosmopolitans, whereas the lesser educated citizens are more likely to be nationalists. This book documents the context, contours, and consequences of this rise of a political meritocracy. It explores the domination of higher educated citizens in political participation, civil society, and political office in Western Europe. It discusses the consequences of this rise of political meritocracy, such as descriptive deficits, policy incongruences, biased standards, and cynicism and distrust. Also, it looks at ways to remedy, or at least mitigate, some of the negative effects of diploma democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Yongle Zhang ◽  
Colleen Howe

Abstract Compared to Wang Shaoguang’s approach to re-interpret the old concept “democracy” to overcome the Schumpeterian model of political legitimation, Daniel Bell’s Political Meritocracy takes a more challenging path, attempting to build a new discourse of legitimacy centering on the concept “meritocracy” and incorporating elements of ancient China’s traditions, the socialist revolutions in the twentieth century, and the system of competitive elections common in the Western world today. This inspiring work is full of incisive arguments, but could be improved by further considering the tension between the Confucian tradition and the revolutionary tradition in the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell

This chapter considers three basic principles of the China model and how they have guided political reform in the post-Mao era: democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and political meritocracy at the top. There remains a large gap between the ideal and the reality, however, and the chapter suggests ways of closing that gap, noting that the legitimacy problem is perhaps the most serious threat to the meritocratic system. It argues that the Chinese government may need to secure the people's consent to the Chinese adaptation of vertical democratic meritocracy by means such as a referendum. It concludes by discussing the exportability of the China model: while the model as a whole cannot readily be adopted by countries with a different history and culture, its different planks can be selectively adopted and the Chinese government can play a more active role in promoting its model abroad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 213-247
Author(s):  
Qianfan Zhang

In this article I refute the conceptual viability of “political meritocracy” and its application to mainland China. I begin with the methodological individualistic definition of “merit,” arguing that electoral democracy based on one-person, one-vote is the genuine form of meritocracy. I then respond to several challenges to electoral democracy and argues that they can—perhaps can only—be properly addressed by improving democracy itself. I further refute the proposition that China is a case for political meritocracy and argue that Singapore would not have been meritocratic but for its functioning (albeit defective) elections based on one-person, onevote. I conclude with a call for contemporary neo-Confucians to develop political doctrines responsibly in order to make Confucianism relevant today.


2019 ◽  
pp. 14-32
Author(s):  
Mark Chou ◽  
Benjamin Moffitt ◽  
Octavia Bryant

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