The nation and the South in the work of Rosario Romeo: A debate between John Dickie, Lucy Riall and Giuseppe Galasso: The idea of nation in Romeo

Modern Italy ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-84
Author(s):  
John Dickie ◽  
Lucy Riall ◽  
Giuseppe Galasso
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
National Character ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Italian History ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Public Sphere

The last seven or eight years have brought a flood of printer's ink dedicated to the issue of national identity in Italy. At the same time, the new political forces that have emerged since Tangentopoli have all, in various ways, contributed to the re-emergence of patriotism in the language of the public sphere. What would Rosario Romeo have said about this new cultural and political climate? How would he have sought to intervene? It seems likely that he would have turned his famously acerbic critical intelligence on many of the volumes published. A signi. cant number of them merely offer versions of the same old pathologizing version of Italian history, or even, ahistorically, of the Italian national character. All the Sicilian historian would have to do would be to dust off his criticisms of those Anglo-American and Marxist historians who portrayed Italy, in his view, as having had the ‘wrong’ history, of having certain aboriginal defects.

An Indonesian Islam?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carool Kersten
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military ◽  
Opening Up

The history of postcolonial Indonesia can therefore be divided into three periods, dominated by different regimes with its own characteristics, during which Islamisation process has continued to evolve. The Sukarno presidency (1945-1965) marks the first period, during which Mayumi established itself as the main Islamic political party. It began with decade of continuing nation building when the young republic was first engaged in armed conflict with the Dutch; experimented with liberal democracy; but then shifted toward ‘Guided Democracy’ and the disbanding of Masyumi. During the same twenty-year period, the unity of Indonesia was also challenged by the Islamist Darul Islam movement. A military coup in 1965 heralded the beginning of the military New Order Regime of General Suharto (1965-1998). Political Islam was kept control and occasionally manipulating it for its own purposes. From the 1970s onward, New Order did make some allowances for Muslim participation in governance, initiating further use of Islam for political purposes between 1983—1993. After the dramatic regime change in 1998, the democratisation process that started in 1999 saw an unprecedented opening-up of the public sphere. This change in Indonesia’s political climate offered new opportunities for socio-political activism across the Islamic spectrum, but also presented a new set of challenges for the world’s largest Muslim nation state. Islamic mass organisations, newly formed political parties, NGOs, think tanks and other platforms began presenting a range of competing Islamic discourses.

Herstoryczne porządki. Konflikt czy pluralizacja pamięci?

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Inga B. Kuźma ◽  
Edyta B. Pietrzak
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Memory Studies ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Specific Nature ◽  
Political Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Research Perspectives ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere

The issue of conflicts of memory is one of the more clearly outlined areas in contemporary Polish discourses of memory. One of its manifestations is Herstory, which involves discovering the forgotten history of women and restoring their rightful place in the public sphere, which also translates directly into issues of social and national identity, and historical policy. In the article we try to decide whether and to what extent herstory as a research approach create a caesura in the memory studies? We put the thesis about the existence of two oppositional currents – the alternative and radical turns of memory, and we are proving that herstory does not so much fit into this opposition as it functions across it, building pluralist discourse. Due to the specific nature of the data used in the text and their transdisciplinary nature, and given the anthropological and political research perspectives that are close to us, we base our research and conclusions on Gadamer’s hermeneutics, without which it is difficult to speak of both interpretationism and herstory itself.

State contestations in constructions of 1Malaysia

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Public ◽  
Malaysian Population ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Kim T. Gallon
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
African American ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Black Press ◽  
The Public ◽  
Introductory Section ◽  
African American Sexuality ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere

This introductory section introduces the book’s major arguments and provides an overview of the history of the Black Press in the early twentieth century. The introduction also explores the theoretical conceptualization of the public sphere in relationship to African American life and the scholarship on pleasure and class in African American history. In laying out these terms, the introductory section of the book makes the case that they are useful categories of analysis for a deeper understanding of African American sexuality, pleasure, and the Black Press. Finally, the introduction features a discussion of the significance of the interwar period and its relationship to the history of African American sexuality in the Black Press.

scholarly journals Science in the Public Sphere: A History of Lay Knowledge and Expertise

Ambix ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-200
Author(s):  
Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Lay Knowledge ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere

Who Is Listening? When Scholars Think They Are Talking to Congress

2014 ◽  
Vol 657 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-273
Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Science Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Public Funds ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

The editors asked for my view on whether, in the current political climate, the recommendations in this volume of The ANNALS are likely to be heeded. The question that precedes this one is whether the volume’s contributors understand why policy-makers make use of science at all. “No” is the obvious answer, though I see this not as a failure particular to their effort but rather as a broader failure of social science. Getting the science right is a necessary but not sufficient step in getting it used. Social scientists have not investigated the use of science in policy in a serious way. They must if science is to have influence in the public sphere. I also comment on the political climate, unhelpfully described by many worried observers as antiscience. It is more informative to say that there is a Congress-led effort to push science policy and federal expenditures toward short-term and narrow national goals. This is harmful to science and consequently to the nation, and scientists should explain why. But they must also respect that science policy and setting priorities for spending public funds are congressional responsibilities.

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