Factors hindering ‘larger’ representation of women in parliament: the case of Seychelles

2011 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mi Yung Yoon
2018 ◽  
pp. 950-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

In the Introduction we outline the major themes and arguments of the book and cover some theoretical debates on gender and representation. Evaluating how gender inequality runs through Parliament, its practices and norms, and its institutional frameworks and the forms that representation takes as a result are the areas on which we focus in our book. We note that the consistent under-representation of women in Parliament affects our reception of the performance of representation and the claims that the Indian Parliament makes to being the premier democratic institution of the country. The Introduction outlines the politics and performance framework that allow us to make an innovative and informed empirical analysis of continuities and changes in women’s participation in parliamentary politics. The framework focuses as much on rules and norms of the Parliament as on the corporeality and speech, stage and script of politics and political life that are witnessed in its practices. The Introduction then elucidates the main arguments and empirical focus of each chapter of the book.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 957-975 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Homola

This article explores (1) whether policy makers are equally responsive to the preferences of women and men and (2) whether the increased presence of women in parliament improves responsiveness to women’s preferences. Using a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 351 party shifts by sixty-eight different parties across twelve Western European countries, the study finds that parties respond to the preference shifts of women and men. However, parties are more responsive to the preference shifts among men than among women – a finding that is not affected by the share of female politicians in parliament. The findings question the implicit assumption that substantive political representation of women necessarily follows from their descriptive representation in legislatures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin K. Joshi ◽  
Kara Kingma

AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.


Author(s):  
D.B. Vershinina

The article attempts to trace the history of women's political representation in the Irish parliament - from the struggle for the right to vote and to be elected to parliament to the current level of women's representation in the Oireachtas and related discussions in the political elite and Irish society. The author draws attention to the specifics of the policy of various Irish parties in relation to the problem of representation of women in parliament and demonstrates the importance of political and national culture for such a phenomenon as the participation of women in politics. Analyzing the change in the proportion of women in the lower house of the Oireachtas, the author demonstrates the influence of the Irish women's movement on the dynamics of the number of female TDs. The author concludes that the policy of affirmative action played a significant, but insufficient role in the country, which for a long time remained under the influence of the Catholic Church and its patriarchal view of the role of women in society.


Author(s):  
Lilis Sholihah ◽  
Naufal Ashiil Al Farisi

Deputy garut district council members of the period but only the 2019-2024 is 50 and 9 members legislative women or only 18 % woman to members of the legislature has yet to reach hope 30 % representation of women in garut district council 2019-2024 period. This show representation of women in parliament is still low. While, the act of political parties and election gave opportunities for women to participate in politics and into. legislative institutions. Research conducted has the find out how women are represented in the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 and the inhibiting factors that influence and the efforts made to increase women's representation in the Regional Representative Council of Garut. The theory used is electoral representation theory according to Piktin with four dimensions, namely representative, represented, the substance of representation and context. The method used in the research is a qualitative research method by describing descriptive data and inductive approaches. Supporting data collection methods in research through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis technique used is by reduction of data, display data, and reflecting g conclusion. The research results showed that the representation of women in the the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 was still low. This is caused by internal factors, namely the confidence of women, social relations, double burden and political costs and external factors, namely patriarchal culture and political constraints. In this research we initialize to the government and political parties to do sosialisai the importance of of the representation of women in legislative and suggesting prospective members legoslatif women for developed a good relationship with the community, accommodated and expectations of women in parliament this with to be demonstrated by birth to legal products, programs and policies that are pro against women and as well as improvement system regeneration women. Keywords: Representation of women, regional house of representatives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Atnike Nova Sigiro

Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (Regional House of Representatives/DPRD). However, the issue of women’s representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where women’s political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how women’s organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage women’s involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between women’s organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. The article is developed based on studies on engagement models of MAMPU’s partners with the DPR and DPRD.


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