scholarly journals FENOMENA WAKIL PEREMPUAN (Di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Kabupaten Garut Periode 2019-2024)

2020 ◽  
pp. 118-135
Author(s):  
Lilis Sholihah ◽  
Naufal Ashiil Al Farisi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
District Council ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
The Government

Deputy garut district council members of the period but only the 2019-2024 is 50 and 9 members legislative women or only 18 % woman to members of the legislature has yet to reach hope 30 % representation of women in garut district council 2019-2024 period. This show representation of women in parliament is still low. While, the act of political parties and election gave opportunities for women to participate in politics and into. legislative institutions. Research conducted has the find out how women are represented in the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 and the inhibiting factors that influence and the efforts made to increase women's representation in the Regional Representative Council of Garut. The theory used is electoral representation theory according to Piktin with four dimensions, namely representative, represented, the substance of representation and context. The method used in the research is a qualitative research method by describing descriptive data and inductive approaches. Supporting data collection methods in research through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis technique used is by reduction of data, display data, and reflecting g conclusion. The research results showed that the representation of women in the the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 was still low. This is caused by internal factors, namely the confidence of women, social relations, double burden and political costs and external factors, namely patriarchal culture and political constraints. In this research we initialize to the government and political parties to do sosialisai the importance of of the representation of women in legislative and suggesting prospective members legoslatif women for developed a good relationship with the community, accommodated and expectations of women in parliament this with to be demonstrated by birth to legal products, programs and policies that are pro against women and as well as improvement system regeneration women. Keywords: Representation of women, regional house of representatives.

scholarly journals KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM KEANGGOTAAN LEGISLATIF DI KABUPATEN SUKOHARJO PROVINSI JAWA TENGAH PERIODE 2019-2024

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-22
Author(s):  
Ani Ani Martini ◽  
Maichel Wutoy ◽  
Perdana Dewi Wardhani
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Women In Parliament

Abstract The minim of support for women becomes one of major obstacle to the fulfillment of 30% representation of women in local legislative. The minim of support influence the work capabilityof women in political institutions. The number of councilors in the Regional House of Representatives of Sukoharjo in the period 2019-2024 is 45 people but only 10 women legislative members or only 22.22% female legislative members so that it has not reached the expectation of 30% female representation in the Regional House of Representatives of Sukoharjo in the period 2019-2024.This shows the representation of women in parliament is low. In fact, political party laws and elections have provided opportunities for women to be able to participate in the politics and enter the legislative. This research is conducted has the find out how women are represented in the Regional House of Representatives of Sukoharjo in the period 2019-2024 and the inhibiting factors that influence and the efforts made to increase women's representation in the Regional Representative Council of Sukoharjo. The theory used is electoral representation theory according to Piktin with four dimensions, namely representative, represented, the substance of representation and context. The method used in the research is a qualitative research method by describing descriptive data and deduktive approaches. Supporting data collection methods in research through observation, interviews, documentation and data triangulation. Data analysis technique used is by reduction of data, display data, and reflecting g conclusion. The research results showed that the representation of women in the the Regional House of Representatives of Sukoharjo in the period 2019-2024 was still low. This is caused by internal factors, namely the confidence of women, social relations, double burden and political costs and external factors, namely patriarchal culture and political constraints and improving the quality of women's resources and encouraging female legislative candidates to establish communication from the start with the community. And efforts to increase the representation of women is improving the quality of the resources of women in politics and encourage female legislative candidates to establish communication from the start with the community. Keywords: feminine representation, regional house of representatives Abstrak Kurangnya dukungan terhadap kaum perempuan menjadi salah satu hambatan belum terpenuhinya kuota 30% keterwakilan perempuan dalam lembaga legislatif. Minimnya dukungan berpengaruh dalam kinerja anggota legislatif perempuan dalam parlemen. Jumlah anggota legislatif di Kabupaten Sukoharjo periode 2019-2024 yaitu 45 orang, tetapi hanya terdapat 10 orang anggota legislatif perempuan atau sekitar 22.22% sehingga belum mencapai harapan 30% keterwakilan perempuan. Hal ini menunjukkan masih minimnya keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen. Padahal, undang-undang dalam pemilu dan partai politik telah memberikan peluang kepada perempuan untuk terjun dalam dunia politik dan berpartisipasi dalam keanggotaan legislatif. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana keterwakilan perempuan dalam kenggotaan legislatif Kabupaten Sukoharjo periode 2019-2024 dan faktor penghambat yang mempengaruhi. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori keterwakilan elektoral menurut Pitkin yang terdiri empat dimensi yaitu wakil, yang terwakili, substansi perwakilan dan konteks. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini merupakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggambarkan data secara deskriptif dan pendekatan secara deduktif. Metode pengumpulan data pendukung dalam penelitian melalui observasi, wawancara, dokumentasi dan triangulasi data. Teknik analisis yang digunakan dengan cara reduksi data, penyajian data dan menarik kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa keterwakilan perempuan dalam keanggotaan legislatif di Kabupaten Sukoharjo periode 2019-2024 masih rendah. Hal ini disebabkan oleh faktor internal yaitu kepercayaan diri dari perempuan, hubungan sosial, beban ganda dan ongkos politik serta faktor eksternal yaitu  budaya patriarki dan kendala politik. Upaya yang dilakukan untuk meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan yaitu meningkatkan kualitas sumber daya perempuan dan mendorong calon anggota legislaif perempuan untuk menjalin komunikasi sejak awal dengan masyarakat.  Kata kunci: keterwakilan perempuan, legislatif daerah

scholarly journals KOALISI DAN PENGELOLAAN KOALISI, PADA PEMERINTAHAN JOKO WIDODO-JUSUF KALLA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Institutional Competition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Systems ◽  
Modern Era

<pre><em><span lang="EN">This paper discusses the relationship between the President and the House of Representatives and the coalition government based on the three years of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was trapped in inter-institutional competition as a consequence of a mixture of presidential and multi-party systems</span></em><em><span lang="IN">.</span></em><em></em><em><span lang="IN">Initialy</span></em><em><span lang="EN">, President Jokowi has the desire to realize a coalition based on ideology and the same program (consensus coalition) between political parties, but the reality, it is difficult to make it happen in government,</span></em><em><span lang="IN"> finally President Jokowi re-elected a coalition of “all parties”</span></em><em><span lang="EN">. </span></em><em><span lang="IN">Using </span></em><em><span lang="EN">some of the basics of Scott Mainwaring and David Altman about presidential and multiparty combination systems and coalitions in presidential systems, complemented by several Coalitions. Then, complete the results of Otto Kirchheimer on Catch All Party, to outline the transformation of the party in this modern era. Accompanied by discussions on political parties in Indonesia, based on Yasraf Amir Piliang's description of political nomadism. Based on the facts and outcomes, a combination of presidential and multiparty systems and the government's management of government by President Jokowi, which manages a "fat" coalition with accommodative leadership and transactional performances. Matters relating to the harmonious relationship between the President and the House of Representatives with the consequence that the President is committed to realizing an unconditional coalition and not for the power-seats. Coalition management can be done because the choice of the party that develops as a supporter of the government is also based not only on the need for political imagery in order to encourage electoral in the political market, but also in the spirit of the party.</span></em><em></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN">                                                                                                                          </span></em><span lang="EN">                               </span></pre><pre><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">Key</span></em></strong><strong><em></em></strong><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">words</span></em></strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">: </span></em><em><span lang="EN">Presidential System, Coalition Government, the President-Parliament Relations, Leadership Jokowi </span></em><em></em></pre>

scholarly journals Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The One

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

scholarly journals Analisis Kontruksi Struktural dan Kewenangan DPR dalam Fungsi Legislasi Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 348
Author(s):  
Ahmad Yani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Analytical Research ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Indonesia telah mengalami empat kali amandemen terhadap UUD 1945, dimana amandemen tersebut memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap kewenangan DPR dalam menjalankan fungsi legislasi. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum deskriptif yuridis analitis, dengan menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif, dan melalui studi kepustakaan terhadap literatur yang berkaitan dengan kewenangan DPR dalam fungsi legislasi. Sehingga dalam tulisan ini penulis membahas mengenai implikasi mekanisme perubahan UUD 1945 terhadap struktur dan kewenangan DPR serta dinamika politik dan kepentingan adanya perubahan kewenangan DPR dalam Legislasi DPR berdasarkan UUD 1945. Perubahan konstitusi hingga peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dibawahnya saat ini telah menempatkan DPR pada posisi lemah. Lemahnya fungsi DPR dalam pembuatan undang-undang juga diakibatkan dengan kondisi parlemen dengan konflik kekuasaan antara pemerintah dan partai politik. Konflik yang disebabkan karena adanya keinginan untuk menguasai posisi dalam pimpinan di DPR, Komisi dan Alat Kelengkapan Dewan lainnya.Indonesia has experienced four amendments to the Constitution, in which the amendment has a major influence on the authority of People’s Representative Assembly (DPR) in carrying out its legislative functions. This research is a descriptive juridical analytical research, using normative juridical approach, and through library research of literature related to DPR’s authority in legislative function. In this research the author discusses the mechanism implications from The amended 1945 Constitution on the structure and the DPR’s authority. The author also discusses about political dynamics and interests for change in the DPR’s authority in Legislation based on the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional amendments to the relevant legislation under it have placed the DPR in a weak position. The weak function of the House of Representatives in the law drafting is also due to the condition of parliament with the conflict of power between the government and political parties. The conflicts were caused by the desire to control positions in the leadership of the DPR, Comissions and other Councils.

Thailand’s Prayut may keep power in a civilian regime

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
National Council ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Subject Thailand's long-delayed election. Significance More than 40 new political parties have been registered in Thailand since March 2, and established parties will be allowed to begin registering members on April 1, as Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) begin a process of preparing for a long-delayed general election. The 2017 constitution initiated by the NCPO allows the (to be re-established) House of Representatives to select an ‘outsider’ as prime minister if it is unable to decide on a party-affiliated figure. Impacts Persistent election delays will not affect Thailand’s current economic recovery. Despite mounting political pressure on the government to commit to a poll, anti-government protests will not grow. Improving relations with the United States could insulate the government from EU pressure on delayed elections.

Reviews: The Morals of Markets. An Ethical Exploration, La Pensee Politique D'edmund Burke. 1972, Hegel's Development: Toward, The Sunlight, 1770–1801, Hegel's Political Philosophy: Problems and Perspectives, New Studies in Hegel's Philosophy, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, Social Anarchism, The Myth of the Master Race: Alfred Rosenberg and Nazi Ideology, The Spread of the Russian Revolution. Essays on 1917, The Russian Revolution of 1917. Contemporary Accounts, The Causes of the English Revolution 1529–1642, The Fifth Monarchy Men, The Study of Political Science Today, Sociologie Politique, Anti-Politics, Consensus, Reform and Protest in Britain, Crossing the Floor, Political Parties in Britain, An Organizational and Functional Guide, Edited and Introduced, Community Action and Race Relations, The Government and Politics of West Germany, Das Politische System Grossbritanniens, Die Stellung Der Parlamentsminderheiten in England, Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Und Italien, West German Politics, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790–1970, the Seniority System in Congress, Party Leaders in the House of Representatives, American Political Parties: Potential and Performance, Singapore's People's Action Party, Buddhist Politics—Japan's Clean Government Party, Political Mobilization of the Venezuelan Peasant, Ghana under Military Rule 1966–69, International Administration, Peace in Parts: Integration and Conflict in Regional Organization

1972 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-524
Author(s):  
P. P. Nicholson ◽  
I. D. Lloyd-Jones ◽  
W. H. Greenleaf ◽  
Martin Clark ◽  
A. Carter ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Community Action ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
Sociologie Politique ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Performance

scholarly journals KEDUDUKAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI LEMBAGA NEGARA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945

Solusi ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-105
Author(s):  
Johansyah Johansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Constitutional Court is the executive branch of the judiciary that is independent and separate from other branches of power, namely the government (executive) and legislative institutions. The Constitutional Court as a first and last level judiciary does not have an organizational structure as large as the Supreme Court which is the peak of a judicial system whose structure is vertically and horizontally covers five judicial environments, namely the general court environment, the state administrative court environment, the religious court environment, and military court environment. As an organ of judicial power that operates the judicial function, the Constitutional Court is independent, both structurally and functionally. The functions and authorities of the Constitutional Court based on Law No. 24 of 2003, namely the Constitutional Court has the authority to hear: Test the laws against the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide on authority disputes between state institutions whose authority is granted by the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution; Decide the dissolution of political parties; Decide disputes about election results; Give a verdict on the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and / or Vice-President are suspected of violating the law in the form of treason, corruption, bribery, other serious crimes, or despicable acts, or no longer fulfill the conditions as President and or Vice President, as intended in the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Constitution.

scholarly journals Studi Komunikasi Politik Legislator Perempuan Di DPRD Provinsi NTB

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartin Nur Khusnia ◽  
Muhlis Muhlis ◽  
Tenri Waru
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
Female Legislators ◽  
Internal And External Factors

Equality of rights and obligations between men and women has been textually stated and guaranteed by various regulations, both at international, national and local levels. However, this guarantee does not necessarily guarantee equality between men and women to actively participate in practical politics. The fact that the representation of women in legislator of the West Nusa Tenggara Province is still low, which a total of 65 members of the Regional House of West Nusa Tenggara Province Representatives for the 2014-2016 periode 6 female legislators and 59 male legislators. The object of this research study is the political communication of women's legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province. The results of interviews with research informants can be concluded that the political communication of female legislators in the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province runs effectively because it is influenced by internal and external factors. Internal factors are the personal abilities of female politicians in building positive self-concepts. While external factors are participatory political culture in both the legislative and political parties where politicians take shelter. Political communication activities carried out by women's legislators aim to influence political policy, especially policies related to women's empowerment in West Nusa Tenggara. And aims to establish the self-image of politicians and institutions, both political parties or legislative bodies.Keywords: Political Communication, Women's Legislators, the Regional House of Representatives of West Nusa Tenggara Province

scholarly journals Strengthening Substantive Representation of Women through the Engagement Model of the Women’s Movement with the DPR and DPRD in Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Atnike Nova Sigiro
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Ideal Composition ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Central Level ◽  
Women’S Organizations

Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (Regional House of Representatives/DPRD). However, the issue of women’s representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where women’s political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how women’s organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage women’s involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between women’s organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. The article is developed based on studies on engagement models of MAMPU’s partners with the DPR and DPRD.

scholarly journals Political Communications in the Public Sphere Student Protest in Indonesia 2019-2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-241
Author(s):  
Erik Ardiyanto
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The government and the parliament have decided to pass problematic bills, such as the Corruption Eradication Commission Bill (RUU KPK), the Criminal Code Bill (RUU KUHP), and the Omnibus Law (RUU Cipta Kerja) into laws. The reasons behind the passage of the bills irto laws are to make bureaucracy easier and facilitate foreign investment inflows to Indonesia. However, the decision-making process failed to involve elements of the community, such as academics, workers, working class, press, and related stakeholders. Consequently, students staged rallies to protest against the passage of the bills into laws in 2019 – 2020. This researchuses an approach qualitative methodology with a critical paradigm. The goal of critical theory is to change a reality that is always unbalanced and dominated.This research tries to encourage change towards a better society and emancipations. The data analysis technique comprises analysis of information sources from the mass media and analysis of research documents. The results of this study find that students had two strategic political communications during the protest. First, the social media movement sent hash tagged messages such as #Reformasidikorupsi #Gejayanmemangil and #Mositidakpercaya. Second, student staged demonstrations in front of the Presidential Place and the House of Representatives Building. When the government and parliament conspire  with oligarchs to make policies to maintain power, then  conflicts of interest with society, and  student protests will be inevitable.  As a result, the students have declared a motion of no confidence for parliament in a non-parliamentary participatory democratic system.

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