Change in political party strategy and organization in Turkey: the Republican People’s Party in government and in opposition

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-615
Author(s):  
Kerem Kılıçdaroğlu
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Party Strategy

scholarly journals Self-Defense Mechanisms of Democracy during the Crisis: The Baltic States in Comparative Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Joanna Rak
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Defense Mechanisms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Use Of Self ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Legal Structures ◽  
The Baltic

Theoretically embedded in studies on militant democracy, the study offers a comparative analysis of the use of self-defense mechanisms of democracy during the Coronavirus Crisis in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The research aims to identify what anti-democratic measures were adopted to influence the sovereignty of the political nations and which served to either strengthen, maintain or undermine that sovereignty. Although neo-militant democracy goals prevailed in the Baltic states’ pre-pandemic political and legal structures, the pandemic-induced measures resulted in variation. In Estonia, the restrictions put the sovereignty of the political nation in jeopardy. Simultaneously, in Lithuania and Latvia, the sovereignty of the political nations remained unthreatened. In Estonia, the electoral successes and increase in support for the extreme-right political party Conservative People’s Party of Estonia turned conducive to the movement from neo- towards quasi-militant democracy. In Lithuania and Latvia, the extreme groupings did not receive comparable support and could not initiate an anti-democratic turn.

scholarly journals The image of Taras Shevchenko in the socio-political activities and works of Nikolai Mikhnovsky

10.33287/1198 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
С. І. Світленко
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secret Society ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
World Outlook

It is proved that the image of Taras Shevchenko as an uncompromising fighter for national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people had a strong influence on the formation and development of the worldview ofMykolaMikhnovsky. Shevchenko’s ideals predetermined the early crystallization of the national-patriotic outlook of the Ukrainian activist and led to the Ukrainian secret society «Brotherhood Tarasivtsi», which resolutely broke with apolitical Ukrainophilism. Mykola Mikhnovsky became an ideologue of Ukrainian independence, which, following the ideals of Taras Shevchenko, even more clearly sparked the path of struggle for the political, national and economic will of the Ukrainian people. It was shown that at the beginning of the 20th century. the Ukrainian activist inhaled the energy in the creation of the first political party of the Naddnepryanshchina – the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, and then the Ukrainian People’s Party, which became the ideological mouthpiece of Ukrainian independentists. Shevchenko ideals and the image of Kobzar have been accompanied by Mykola Mikhnovsky for many years and have become an integral part of his world outlook and activities in the decisive times of the Ukrainian Revolution. It is emphasized that not all methods of struggle of independentists found support of conscious Ukrainians of the liberal-democratic and socialist camp, but Mykola Mikhnovsky forever became history as a courageous and consistent fighter for the dignity of the Ukrainian nation, fearlessly advocated for the protection of his native language and culture, for preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko for the approval of the idea of a Ukrainian independent state.

scholarly journals Skandynawskie partie skrajnej prawicy – oblicze organizacyjne Duńskiej Partii Ludowej

2017 ◽  
pp. 138-152
Author(s):  
Tomasz Archutowski
Keyword(s):  
Hierarchical Structure ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Charismatic Leadership ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Party Discipline ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Hierarchical Structure ◽  
The Right ◽  
Specific Organisation

Since its emergence in 1995 the Danish People’s Party has become the second biggest political party in Denmark. The popularity of the DPP has also played an important role in the emergence and growth in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in the rest of Scandinavia. One of the most important factors that contributed to the growth in the popularity of the DPP has been the specific organisation of the party based on the charismatic leadership of its leaders Pia Kjærsgaard and Kristian Thulesen Dahl. The hierarchical structure of the right-wing populist parties combined with the party discipline enables the parties to react quickly to changing social attitudes, and as a result, to attract new voters.

The European People's Party and the East

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olaf Wientzek
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Influence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Party Development ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
Party Transformation

Using the example of the European People’s Party’s (EPP) activities in the Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, this book demonstrates that European political parties may, under certain conditions, successfully influence political party transformation in the Eastern European Neighbourhood. In order to cover the highest possible variety of interactions between the EPP and its partner parties, the study examines three different mechanisms of norm promotion: conditionality, persuasion and social influence. While the EPP has influenced its partner parties to a certain extent both on an internal and an external level of party development, certain features of its partner parties have, however, strongly limited its influence, and its partner parties have often been resistant to change. Equally, their compliance with the EPP has frequently been merely rhetorical or formal. Finally, the author suggests a typology of which type of partner parties has been more likely to demonstrate such compliance.

National Socialism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Siemens
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
German Society ◽  
Early Years ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Imperial Germany ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Individual Success

National Socialism was a political and social movement built on ideas and traditions that were already prevalent throughout Imperial Germany. In the early years of the Weimar Republic it was just one of many antisemitic splinter groups of the völkisch and ultranationalist right, yet it had emerged as Germany’s most successful political party at the polls by 1932. This chapter argues that the National Socialists achieved this remarkable success not only through cunning political propaganda and successful exploitation of the post-1929 economic crisis, but even more so because they managed to present themselves as a genuine people’s party. By setting up a multitude of party-affiliated organizations, they penetrated different milieus of German society. For many voters it was ultimately the NSDAP’s promise of individual success as part of a wider national renewal that proved most attractive, rather than the party’s antisemitic platform that was key for the mobilization of party activists.

scholarly journals IDENTITY FUSION THEORY AND EXTREME PRO-GROUP BEHAVIORS: THE CASE OF DISSIDENT POLITICAL PARTY SUPPORTERS IN TURKEY

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (21) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Group Behavior ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Psychological Processes ◽  
Significant Group ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Identity Fusion ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Fusion Theory

This research was conducted with dissident political parties' supporters that were represented in the parliament of Turkey via 2015 parliamentary election. Using the Identity Fusion Theory, the study aims to explore the relations of people with local in-group (supporters of the supported political party) and extended in-group (citizens of the Republic of Turkey); and test the endorsement of extreme behaviors as fighting or sacrificing own life to save in-group members or improve the current conditions of in-group. Accordingly, data was collected from Republican People's Party (CHP; N = 320), Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP; N = 215), and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP; N = 150) supporters. There were significant group differences on study variables based on one's political party identity. Broadly, local in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of HDP, MHP, and CHP supporters, respectively whereas extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of MHP, CHP, and HDP supporters, respectively. Moreover, local in-group and extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were positively associated with each other in samples of CHP, and MHP supporters; but not associated in sample of HDP supporters. Identity fusion with local in-group indicated positive indirect (mediational) associations with endorsement of extreme behaviors for the sake of local in-group and extended in-group in three samples. The research findings complement the related literature, and present a relatively new theoretical approach to explain extreme pro-group behaviors. Keywords Identity fusion theory, extreme pro-group behavior, local in-group, extended in-group

scholarly journals SLOVAKS IN YUGOSLAVIA AND IN ITS TERRITORIES UNDER FOREIGN OCCUPATION DURING WORLD WAR II

2018 ◽  
pp. 163-175
Author(s):  
ANTON HRUBOŇ ◽  
PETER MIČKO
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
World War ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Foreign Occupation

Slovak minority has been co-creating a multicultural character of contemporary Serbia since the first half of the 18th century. The Slovaks living in former Yugoslavia as an integral part of the Yugoslav society also had to experience the turbulent events at the turn of the 1930s and 1940s. After the Axis invasion and destruction of Yugoslavia in April 1941 the Slovak community, historically settled in Bačka, Banat and Srem, was divided into three countries/occupational zones. Slovaks living in Srem became the citizens of independent Croatia, Slovaks living in Bačka became the citizens of the Hungarian Kingdom and Slovaks from Banat lived in territories under direct German occupation. The paper portrays main features of this minority’s political and cultural life in wartime Yugoslavia and its territories under foreign occupation, core problems of existence within changing regimes and the attitude of the Slovak minority towards the Slovak State (Slovak Republic) established on 14 March 1939 with an emphasis on religiously motivated conflicts between the mostly Lutheran Slovak minority in Yugoslavia and the Catholic regime of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (the ruling and only allowed political party in the Slovak State/Republic).

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

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