scholarly journals The image of Taras Shevchenko in the socio-political activities and works of Nikolai Mikhnovsky

10.33287/1198 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
С. І. Світленко
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secret Society ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
World Outlook

It is proved that the image of Taras Shevchenko as an uncompromising fighter for national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people had a strong influence on the formation and development of the worldview ofMykolaMikhnovsky. Shevchenko’s ideals predetermined the early crystallization of the national-patriotic outlook of the Ukrainian activist and led to the Ukrainian secret society «Brotherhood Tarasivtsi», which resolutely broke with apolitical Ukrainophilism. Mykola Mikhnovsky became an ideologue of Ukrainian independence, which, following the ideals of Taras Shevchenko, even more clearly sparked the path of struggle for the political, national and economic will of the Ukrainian people. It was shown that at the beginning of the 20th century. the Ukrainian activist inhaled the energy in the creation of the first political party of the Naddnepryanshchina – the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, and then the Ukrainian People’s Party, which became the ideological mouthpiece of Ukrainian independentists. Shevchenko ideals and the image of Kobzar have been accompanied by Mykola Mikhnovsky for many years and have become an integral part of his world outlook and activities in the decisive times of the Ukrainian Revolution. It is emphasized that not all methods of struggle of independentists found support of conscious Ukrainians of the liberal-democratic and socialist camp, but Mykola Mikhnovsky forever became history as a courageous and consistent fighter for the dignity of the Ukrainian nation, fearlessly advocated for the protection of his native language and culture, for preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko for the approval of the idea of a Ukrainian independent state.

History, Politics, and the Constitution: Ethnic Conflict and Constitutional Adjudication in Postcommunist Bulgaria

Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Constitutional Adjudication

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.

The Free Republican Party in the political cartoons of the 1930s

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 93-136
Author(s):  
Gökçen Başaran İnce
Keyword(s):  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Cartoons ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Kemal Ataturk

AbstractThe Free Republican Party (FRP; Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası), founded and dissolved in 1930, represented the second attempt to transition to a multi-party system in Turkey, following the formation of the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası) in 1924. In contrast to the oppositional establishment of the latter, the FRP seemed to be a state-originated project whose establishment was decided upon by the elites of the day, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Its representation in contemporary cartoons is deemed important today given the political cartoon’s ability to simplify complex political messages into understandable symbols and metaphors and to address or reach those who may not be literate. Taking into account the social structure of society during this period, this aspect of the reach of cartoons becomes particularly important. Political cartoons’ ability to both support the text in a newspaper and penetrate historical memory through stereotypes is also significant in terms of the representation of personalities and events. This article will attempt to analyze the formation of the FRP and the depiction of its elites through newspaper cartoons. Three prominent and pro-Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) newspapers of this period—namely Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, and Vakit—will provide the material for the content and thematic analysis of the study.

LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Đorđević ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Road ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Election Results ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
First World

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.

Ethnicity as political cleavage: The political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Janušauskienė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Representation Of Interests

This article examines the role of ethnicity in the formation of political cleavage and is based on the analysis of the political agenda of the Polish national minority in Lithuania after the re-establishment of the independent state in 1990. It analyzes the political performance of the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania (EAPL), an ethnic-based “niche” political party that tends to keep a monopoly over the representation of interests of the Polish minority in Lithuania and collects a vast majority of the votes of citizens of Polish origin. The article considers how specific in comparison to the titular nation the interests of the Polish national minority are, and how different in comparison to the political agendas of other political parties the political agenda of the EAPL is.

Some General Characteristics of Nonpartisan Elections

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 766-776 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles R. Adrian
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Corporate Structure ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Nonpartisan Elections

Out of the middle-class businessman's “Efficiency and Economy Movement” that reached full strength in the second decade of the twentieth century came a series of innovations designed to place government “on a business basis” and to weaken the power of the political parties. The movement was inspired both by the example of the success of the corporate structure in trade and industry and by revulsion against the low standards of morality to be found in many sectors of political party activity around the turn of the century. The contemporary brand of politician had recently been exposed by the “muck-rakers” and the prestige of the parties had reached a very low level.Of the numerous ideas and mechanisms adopted as a result of the reform movement, one of the most unusual was that of election without party designation. Early in the twentieth century, under the theory that judges are neutral referees, not political officers, and that political activities should therefore be discouraged in the choosing of them, many communities initiated “nonpartisan” elections (the term that is usually applied) in the balloting for judicial posts.

scholarly journals Self-Defense Mechanisms of Democracy during the Crisis: The Baltic States in Comparative Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Joanna Rak
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Defense Mechanisms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Use Of Self ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Legal Structures ◽  
The Baltic

Theoretically embedded in studies on militant democracy, the study offers a comparative analysis of the use of self-defense mechanisms of democracy during the Coronavirus Crisis in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The research aims to identify what anti-democratic measures were adopted to influence the sovereignty of the political nations and which served to either strengthen, maintain or undermine that sovereignty. Although neo-militant democracy goals prevailed in the Baltic states’ pre-pandemic political and legal structures, the pandemic-induced measures resulted in variation. In Estonia, the restrictions put the sovereignty of the political nation in jeopardy. Simultaneously, in Lithuania and Latvia, the sovereignty of the political nations remained unthreatened. In Estonia, the electoral successes and increase in support for the extreme-right political party Conservative People’s Party of Estonia turned conducive to the movement from neo- towards quasi-militant democracy. In Lithuania and Latvia, the extreme groupings did not receive comparable support and could not initiate an anti-democratic turn.

scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF BURIAL ORGANIZATION AND HONORING THE MEMORY OF UNR SOLDIERS IN POLAND IN 1989–2005

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Drozd R.
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
National Life

After 1989, the change of the political system in Poland from a totalitarian to a democratic one allowed the Ukrainian national minority in Poland to develop its own national life. In addition to cultural and political activities, people became interested in their own history, and the process of reviving their own historical memory began. One of its elements was the problem of honoring the memory of people important to the Ukrainian nation who were buried in what is now Poland. Among the burials were the graves of UPR soldiers who found themselves in Poland and died as a result of the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920. Under the Polish People’s Republic, their graves were both intentionally and unintentionally abandoned, and the then authorities did not agree to restore them. Such an opportunity arose only after 1989, but even here the Ukrainian community met with resistance from some representatives of central and local authorities. However, several cemeteries and buildings dedicated to UPR soldiers, Poland’s allies in the war with Bolshevik Russia, were tidied up and renovated.Key words: Poland, Ukraine, UPR, Ukrainian military cemeteries, commemoration. Після 1989 р. зміна політичної системи в Польщі з тоталітарної на демократичну дозволила українській національній меншині в Польщі розвивати власне національне життя. Крім культурної та політичної діяльності, люди зацікавилися власною історією, розпочався процес відродження власної історичної пам’яті. Одним з її елементів була проблема вшанування пам’яті людей, важливих для української нації, котрі були поховані на території нинішньої Польщі. Серед поховань були могили воїнів УНР, котрі опинилися у Польщі в результаті польсько-більшовицької війни 1920 року та померли у Польській Народній Республіці. Згодом їхні могили були як навмисно, так і ненавмисно занедбані, а тодішня влада не погодилася на їх відновлення. Така можливість виникла лише після 1989 року, але і тут українська громада зустріла опір з боку деяких представників центральної та місцевої влади. Тим не менше, кілька кладовищ та будівель, присвячених воїнам УНР, союзникам Польщі у війні з більшовицькою Росією, були впорядковані та оновлені.Ключові слова: Польща, Україна, УНР, українські військові кладовища, вшанування пам’яті.

scholarly journals Wroclaw and Ust-Kamenogorsk at the turn of XX-XXI centuries: historical memory and urban space

2021 ◽  
Vol 135 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-25
Author(s):  
T. Waśkiel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Visual Memory ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Constructs ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Creation

The disintegration and disappearance of the socialist camp (Eastern bloc of the proSoviet countries) from the political map in Europe gave impetus to the creation of a new format of inter-state relations. Similar processes took place on the territory of different republics of the former USSR. The disappearance of communist ideology led to a revival of national interests, which ended in a sovereign parade and the creation of independent state entities, including Kazakhstan. The aim of the research is to show the reflection of the change of communist ideology in the toponymical space of Wroclaw (Poland) and Ust-Kamenogorsk (Kazakhstan) as a farewell to Soviet history. The objects of the study are the cities of Wroclaw (Poland) and Ust-Kamenogorsk (Kazakhstan), the subject of the research is the transformation of the visual and toponymical urban space. Particular attention has been paid to the street names with anthroponymic content. As a result of the analysis, the authors came to the conclusion that, despite such a geographical distance between chosen cities and states, there is a common past between them. The connecting thread uniting Wroclaw and Ust-Kamenogorsk was the “Soviet era” and the processes of eradicating Soviet social constructs. The toponymy of both cities was formed – to some extent – by the political ideology of the Soviet state. The processes of decommunization and de-Sovietization included the ideology of renewal and transformation, the destruction of the visual memory of the USSR. The toponymical space, both in Kazakhstan and in Poland, has acquired new names, reflecting the milestones of historical events previously not included in the national histories. The authors believe that the urbanonyms of the city should cause only positive reactions, reflect the historical content, carry a functional, educational value.

scholarly journals TRANSFORMASI GERAKAN SOSIAL KE PARTAI POLITIK KIPRAH POLITIK PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK DI MASA REFORMASI

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Study Group ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Government

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 

scholarly journals LOCAL POLITICAL PARTIES IN ACEH IN 2017 REGIONAL ELECTION: Analysis of Political Identity and Islamization Issue

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-363
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rajiv Syarif
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Aceh Province ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Regional Elections

The existence of local political parties in outline is a new alternative to the implementation of local democratic processes in Aceh are not specifically for Islamization issues. In the political record, the process of electing leaders in Aceh Province has been noted for three times (2006, 2012 and 2017). Aceh continues to move dynamically with political activities that are often rarely predictable or new conflicts that are sometimes expected to occur during democratic parties. This paper examines factors of voter's behavior and political identity in Aceh after the signing peace agreement in 2005 as well as analyzes the regional elections in 2017 and the Islamization issue within it. It will be explained that the behavior of voters in the Aceh regional election is very crucial. The election runs successfully by playing the identity of the political party in the Islamic shari'a area bringing issues in local implementation's policy. Finally, the crisis of trust that has been happening to national political parties has become one of the benchmarks for people to participate in the implementation of local democracy through the emergence of local political parties in Aceh.

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