Islamist political movements in Yemen

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-70
Author(s):  
Abdulmalik Mohammad Abdullah Eissa
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Extremist Group ◽  
Islamic Extremism

This article presents an overview of Yemeni society before proceeding to a detailed account of research undertaken by the author into the factors behind the rise of Islamic extremism in Yemen and its appeal, especially among the young and most deprived sectors of society. The author draws on and relates his findings to a number of theoretical works, including those of authorities such as Max Weber as well as more recent analysts, in a discussion of what drives extremist group formation and what attracts their adherents, in general terms and in Yemen in particular. The findings of a survey of public opinion in Yemen conducted by the author are recounted in some detail.

Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914

1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang J. Mommsen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
Active Interest ◽  
Constitutional System

The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

Anti-Semitism in Moscow: Results of an October 1992 Survey

Slavic Review ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Brym ◽  
Andrei Degtyarev
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

Public opinion polls show that between 1988 and 1991 some three percent of adult Russians donated money to various political movements, four percent took part in strikes and just over six percent participated in mass rallies and demonstrations. Fewer than one percent of Russians j o i n ed new political parties, still nascent organizations that attract elites, not masses. At the same time, membership in the Communist Party dropped from ten percent to four percent of the adult population of Russia.

scholarly journals Dalits and Federalism - A Study of Public Opinion on Federalism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maheshraj Maharjan
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Contentious Issue ◽  
State Restructuring ◽  
Commission Report ◽  
Special Rights

Dalit movement, along with Janajati and Madhesi movements, has been a major force in political and social transformation in Nepal since 1990. Federalism, one of the demands of such transformations, has become a contentious issue for Dalits. Dalit leaders had initially mostly been centered on ensuring proportional representation in central and local governments, along with special rights as a compensation for their historical oppression (Bhattachan 2008). However, after the Peoples’ Movement of 2006, with Janajatis and Madhesis demanding provinces along ethnic and regional lines, Dalit leaders and scholars began to discuss the relevance of federalism for Dalits as well as possibility of their own Dalit province. This issue climaxed with State Restructuring High Commission Report suggesting provision of a non-territorial province for Dalits.But is a Dalit province, or federalism, needed for Dalits? Is the issue of federalism and Dalit province an aspiration, or a concern, of common Dalits? Or is it just an interest of Dalit leaders and elites? This paper tries to analyse public opinion of Dalits, based on a survey of public opinion in two VDCs of Nepal, on the various issues related to federalism, including aspirations of Dalits in the proposed constitution and perceptions of Dalits on successive political movements and government provisions for Dalits since 1990.

scholarly journals A Chicano childhood experience

2000 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Amaia Ibarrán Bigalondo
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Childhood Experience ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Community Schooling ◽  
The Social ◽  
Children’S Voices

The difficult social and cultural situation that the Chicano community has suffered after the signing of theTreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, has been overtly manifested in the Literature produced by its writers. Themes such as the social and economical conditions of the members of the Chicano community, schooling and housing, the situation of the workers in the fields, portrayals of the first organized political movements, family and domestic relationships etc., are widely found in the Literature written by Chicano authors. Chicanas, on their part, also use the novel for vindicatory purposes. Their body of Literature also deals with subjects that account for their constrained existence as members of an oppressed gender and ethnic group. The first Chicano novels are, in general terms, therefore, "adult" novels even though Monserrat Fontes¿ First Confession is one of the exceptions in which childhood and children's voices are portrayed in a novel, a thematic analysis of the novel demonstrates that many of the most recurrent themes of the female novel are present in this story.

scholarly journals High-school cinema curricula: Evidence of new trends in education

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Desbarats
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Secondary Schools ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Institutional History ◽  
Government Interventions ◽  
School Based ◽  
Film Education ◽  
Post War

Drawn from the author’s PhD, and originally published in Images Documentaires in 2000, this article presents an incisive portrait of the complex political and institutional history that led to the establishment of film education within the curriculum in French secondary schools. Mounting a detailed account of the nuances and successive developments within the field, this essay examines the chronology – starting within a post-war context – through which the successive influences of ciné-clubs, teachers, television, political movements and government interventions have shaped the form of curricular school-based film education in France today.

scholarly journals UK Newspapers’ Portrayal of Yazidi Women’s Experiences of Violence under ISIS

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81
Author(s):  
Busra Nisa Sarac
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Preferential Treatment ◽  
Women's Agency ◽  
Media Attention ◽  
Women’S Experiences ◽  
Women's Experiences ◽  
Women’S Agency ◽  
Extremist Group

Although as of early 2019 ISIS has lost all of the territories it occupied, scholarly and media attention has continued to focus on its barbarity and brutal treatment of the women living in its former territories. The extremist group has committed a long list of severe human rights violations since it seized territories in Iraq and Syria. In this article, I aim to illustrate the reporting of this violence against the Yazidi women from 2014 to 2019 by the UK’s national newspapers because the media’s portrayal of these women shapes public opinion and policy towards this group in relation to the violence they have endured. The results indicate that while UK national newspapers give preferential treatment in their coverage of Yazidi women’s experiences of violence, abuse, and torture, they often ignore these women’s agency and activism in terms of the extent to which these women resisted and coped with the atrocities they endured.

scholarly journals The anti deflation bias

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-161
Author(s):  
Philipp Bagus
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Endowment Effect ◽  
Availability Heuristic ◽  
The Public ◽  
Money Illusion ◽  
Psychological Concepts

AbstractDeflation is widely feared and opposed. This paper provides arguments to explain the anti-deflationary bias. It is argued that governments favour inflation, that the main deflation theories have influenced negatively the public opinion on deflation, and that rent-seeking behaviour and group formation explains why the opposition to deflationary redistribution is stronger than the opposition to inflationary redistribution. Moreover, psychological concepts, such as anchoring, the endowment effect or the availability heuristic have contributed to the fear of deflation by causing a money illusion and a equalisation of deflation and recession.

Framing Public Opinion in Competitive Democracies

2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
DENNIS CHONG ◽  
JAMES N. DRUCKMAN
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Urban Growth ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
Framing Effects ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Competitive Environments ◽  
The Right ◽  
Extremist Group

What is the effect of democratic competition on the power of elites to frame public opinion? We address this issue first by defining the range of competitive contexts that might surround any debate over a policy issue. We then offer a theory that predicts how audiences, messages, and competitive environments interact to influence the magnitude of framing effects. These hypotheses are tested using experimental data gathered on the opinions of adults and college students toward two policy issues—the management of urban growth and the right of an extremist group to conduct a rally. Our results indicate that framing effects depend more heavily on the qualities of frames than on their frequency of dissemination and that competition alters but does not eliminate the influence of framing. We conclude by discussing the implications of these results for the study of public opinion and democratic political debate.

A Satisficing Search Model of Text Production

2018 ◽  
pp. 397-415
Author(s):  
Drew B. Margolin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Search Theory ◽  
Semantic Search ◽  
Search Model ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Digital Archives ◽  
Civic Discourse ◽  
Text Production ◽  
Search Processes ◽  
Key Concepts

The abundance of civic discourse now observable via digital archives has created an enormous opportunity for researching public opinion. Making use of these data requires understanding the theoretical processes by which they are produced. This chapter introduces satisficing semantic search as one theoretical process that accounts for the content of and form in which discourse is produced. The chapter defines satisficing search processes and explores their implications for the assessment of public opinion from digital archives. It focuses on two key concepts from satisficing search theory: availability, the extent to which discursive material can be found with ease, and aspiration, the extent to which individuals are motivated to find material that precisely represents their underlying views. After defining and describing means of measuring these concepts, the chapter argues that they can be used to detect the strength of both social and political movements.

Tories and the Language of ‘Liberalism’ in the 1820s*

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Craig
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Religious Toleration ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Clear Sense ◽  
Economic Practices ◽  
Economic Health ◽  
The Way

Abstract This article reconsiders the problem of ‘liberal Toryism’ in the 1820s not by looking at the government’s policies, but instead at the very ‘liberal’ language through which they were expressed. It argues that an existing domestic language of ‘liberality’—which was associated with religious toleration and with freer trade—was quite distinct from the new political movements on the Continent. Canning and Huskisson used this well-established, and generally well-esteemed, language to enhance and extend their appeal to ‘public opinion’. However, many Tories were coming to view this terminology with increased suspicion in the aftermath of the Revolutions of 1820. The article stresses the way that the Tory press popularised a negative typology of the ‘liberal system’ which ran together religious, economic and foreign affairs, and depicted Canning and Huskisson as ‘theorists’ content to ruin the moral fibre and economic health of the nation in quest of an abstract metaphysics. By 1826 ‘liberal’ and ‘illiberal’ were increasingly seen as distinct positions that could not be bridged. Although Canning’s brief ministry was not able to bring about a reconfiguration of parties, the final years of decade saw a clear sense among many Tories that ‘liberalism’ was a powerful threat to traditional religious, political and economic practices.

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