scholarly journals Dalits and Federalism - A Study of Public Opinion on Federalism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maheshraj Maharjan

Dalit movement, along with Janajati and Madhesi movements, has been a major force in political and social transformation in Nepal since 1990. Federalism, one of the demands of such transformations, has become a contentious issue for Dalits. Dalit leaders had initially mostly been centered on ensuring proportional representation in central and local governments, along with special rights as a compensation for their historical oppression (Bhattachan 2008). However, after the Peoples’ Movement of 2006, with Janajatis and Madhesis demanding provinces along ethnic and regional lines, Dalit leaders and scholars began to discuss the relevance of federalism for Dalits as well as possibility of their own Dalit province. This issue climaxed with State Restructuring High Commission Report suggesting provision of a non-territorial province for Dalits.But is a Dalit province, or federalism, needed for Dalits? Is the issue of federalism and Dalit province an aspiration, or a concern, of common Dalits? Or is it just an interest of Dalit leaders and elites? This paper tries to analyse public opinion of Dalits, based on a survey of public opinion in two VDCs of Nepal, on the various issues related to federalism, including aspirations of Dalits in the proposed constitution and perceptions of Dalits on successive political movements and government provisions for Dalits since 1990.

Author(s):  
Leokadia M. Drobizheva ◽  

The article reveals the eff orts of Russian academic community to depoliticize ethnicity, to change the theory of ethnic, and to create new approaches to ethnicity research following main trends of world science. The article shows the influence of science on institutional space such as changing the name of disciplines and associations, and the new politic of identity developing. The analyzing of that changes influenced the idea of the importance of ethnicity in the mass consciousness is made based on data from the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS-HSE) an FCTAS RAS project “The Dynamics of Social Transformation of Modern Russia’s Socioeconomic, Political, Sociocultural and Ethnoreligious Contexts”. The author makes a conclusion that influence of science on public opinion about ethnicity is limited by the ambivalence of Russian politics of identity policy in 2000s, and by the inertia of mass consciousness.


2019 ◽  
pp. 67-94
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood ◽  
Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien

Up until relatively recently, little public polling on sanctuary cities has taken place. That has changed as these policies have become points of conflict between federal and state/local governments. This chapter analyzes public opinion polls in two states with a significant stake in the sanctuary debate, California and Texas, to better understand how partisan and racial learning affect support for sanctuary policies. This chapter shows that both Democrats and Republicans have increasingly “learned” the correct position on sanctuary policies based on their partisan identification, which is the strongest predictor of support or opposition to sanctuary policies. Further, the chapter shows that opposition to sanctuary cities are strongest in areas undergoing rapid Latino growth not in high-crime areas.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-70
Author(s):  
Abdulmalik Mohammad Abdullah Eissa

This article presents an overview of Yemeni society before proceeding to a detailed account of research undertaken by the author into the factors behind the rise of Islamic extremism in Yemen and its appeal, especially among the young and most deprived sectors of society. The author draws on and relates his findings to a number of theoretical works, including those of authorities such as Max Weber as well as more recent analysts, in a discussion of what drives extremist group formation and what attracts their adherents, in general terms and in Yemen in particular. The findings of a survey of public opinion in Yemen conducted by the author are recounted in some detail.


Slavic Review ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Brym ◽  
Andrei Degtyarev

Public opinion polls show that between 1988 and 1991 some three percent of adult Russians donated money to various political movements, four percent took part in strikes and just over six percent participated in mass rallies and demonstrations. Fewer than one percent of Russians j o i n ed new political parties, still nascent organizations that attract elites, not masses. At the same time, membership in the Communist Party dropped from ten percent to four percent of the adult population of Russia.


2008 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darius J. Fatemi ◽  
D. John Hasseldine ◽  
Peggy A. Hite

ABSTRACT: Understanding tax preferences toward the estate tax could help resolve the continuing debate on whether the tax should be repealed. Gathering public opinion, however, is not a simple task as differing frames can alter the solicited preferences. For example, the framing literature has shown that equivalent but countervailing frames can produce dissimilar responses. That is, providing positive descriptors of an attribute tends to lead to a more favorable evaluative response than does using negative descriptors (Levin et al. 1998). In contrast, the resistance literature has found that when respondents possess a prior counter attitude that conflicts with the descriptors, exposure to the descriptors can strengthen the original counter attitude. The estate tax, a contentious issue that is typically viewed negatively by taxpayers, provides an issue in which predictions from framing and resistance literatures are in direct contrast. Our study demonstrates that prior counter attitude reverses the expected framing effects. In sum, when respondents do not initially approve of an estate tax, favorable frames lead to more negative responses than do unfavorable frames.


Author(s):  
Puay Yok Tan ◽  
Yuanqiu Feng ◽  
Yun Hye Hwang

Purpose Secondary forest loss in Singapore has recently emerged as a contentious issue that tests the relationships between state, public and civil society, but debates on this issue have occurred without the benefit of supporting information on the spatial extent, and understanding of multiple socio-ecological impacts arising from their gradual disappearance. The purpose of this paper is to fill these knowledge gaps to contribute to development of approaches to manage land developments on secondary forests. Design/methodology/approach This study evaluated the past and potential future losses of spontaneous re-growth forest through spatial analyses of vegetation cover maps combined with national land use plans using remote sensing and GIS. The socio-ecological impacts of such losses were interpreted from published writings, which comprise scientific publications and public opinion in news media. Findings Secondary forest losses accounted for more than half of total vegetation cover reduction between 2007 and 2012, and future potential losses amount to about 4,700 ha of land if these are fully developed over the next 10-15 years. The socio-ecological consequences of such losses are identified. Strong public opinion are reflected in the large number of news article on the topic over the last four years, pointing to the emergence of a contentious issue that requires careful management. Originality/value This paper conducted the first assessment of the spatial extent of secondary forests losses, and an extensive review of public opinion of the matter, and the results validated the significance of this topic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-92
Author(s):  
Takdir Ali Mukti ◽  
Tulus Warsito ◽  
Idham Badruzaman ◽  
Ulung Pribadi ◽  

AbstractThis article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs.


Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 475-189
Author(s):  
Henri Breny

The technical changes in the local-elections law that were recently implemented have only had a negligible effect on the electoral results.  As a matter of fact they did not bring about any change in the two major evils that beset local elections in Belgium. These are indeed dominated by a particular system (Imperiali) of allocation of seats that systematically deviates from proportional representation and is heavily resented as such by a considerable part of the public opinion. The recent modifications allow a voting method (the multiple vote) that wilt - from now on and increasingly so in the future - give a possibility to particular factions that are slightly stronger within a certain party to conquer a far more than proportional share of the party seats andmight well come close to the total number of seats allocated to a certain party. It is indeed the democratic nature of the electoral system in Belgium that is at stake here.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.


2019 ◽  
Vol Special Issue ◽  
pp. 131-141
Author(s):  
Rafał KOCHAŃCZYK

Police tasks have not changed for years and mainly consist in ensuring order and security for citizens. However, the police function as an organization in a certain legal order, it is subject to certain rules that determine its effective operation. Since 1989, that is from the political and social transformation in the functioning of the Polish Police has started in our country, two periods could be distinguished in which it was forced to make organizational changes. The first such moment came with the political transformation when Poland was entering the path of the democratic system. It was not an easy period because the mere change in legislation was not enough. It is worth mentioning that young Polish democracy was struggling with many negative factors, mainly inherited from the previous political system, e.g. the state of the economy, and inflation. From the perspective of the police 30 years of operation, based on statistical data, it can be concluded that the period directly related to political transformation was conducive to negative social phenomena such as crime, social pathologies or the lack of appropriate legal regulations in the new economic conditions. In 1990, the Polish Police leadership faced a lot of work to be done to ensure that the newly formed formation was not identified with the previous system as well as the role it played in the communist system. The second such event forcing a change in the organization of the police activities was January 1, 1999, when the administrative reform of the country entered into force. A difficult task was set up before the formation. After less than 9 years of functioning in the new reality, the then management was faced with adapting the organization to the situation related to, among other things, the new administrative division, transfer of many tasks and competences previously reserved for the central level to the level of local governments, or intensification of efforts to build civic self-governance at all levels of government. The following article presents issues related to police tasks, powers of the Police Commander-in-Chief, and police structures operating in the period in question


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document