Public Opinion in the South of Italy

1944 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 58-65
Author(s):  
YULIA V. KOSTENKO ◽  

The author characterizes the language policy of post-Maidan Ukraine (2014-2020) in the South and East of the country as a method of consolidating ethnocracy in the process of nation-building. An assessment of the state and trends in the historiography of the problem is given. Ethnodemographic changes in the structure of the population, as well as public opinion in the South and East of Ukraine over the period from 1989 to 2020 were revealed. The intentions of the language policy of Ukraine are revealed. The ineffectiveness of international influence to ensure compliance with democratic norms of language policy is noted. Russian Russian language policy is defined as the destruction of institutions of Russian-language education and mass media in the Russian language, the weakening of Russian ethnic identity, carried out by the state authorities of Ukraine. An important factor in de-Russification is the armed conflict in the Donbas, which has become a catalyst for the transition to ethnocracy in Ukraine. At the same time, the unrecognized states in Donbass maintain the equality of languages on their territory. It is concluded that the dual (mixed) identity of residents of the South and East of the country is preserved at the regional and local levels. At the same time, the Russian-speaking community in the South and East of the country remains politically weak and disorganized, and is subject to targeted discrimination. The political consequences of forced ukrainization, as well as resistance to ethnocracy in public opinion and voting in elections, are determined.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joonbum Bae

Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.


Author(s):  
Sukanya Natarajan

The South Asian region is positioned at the heart of enormous socio-politico-cultural transformations that are repeatedly captured by the rising rates of consumption, population, unemployment, aspiration, urbanization, inequality and conflict within the region. In this region, media plays an increasingly important role in propagating mass wakefulness by shaping public opinion day in and day out. The cultural significance and value attached to South Asian Media whether it's the print or audio visual media to the social and political life of people of the region presents itself for greater understanding of history of South Asian media including media culture, new technology and its impact on the regional politics and economics. This chapter intends to understand the dynamics behind the rise of social media, print media, audio visual media and film in these countries and how there is a cultural and social continuum that the media has to work with and employ in shaping public opinion within the South Asian region.


Author(s):  
Татьяна Алентьева ◽  
Tat'yana Alent'eva

The monograph first explores American public opinion as the most important factor in social and political life in the "Jackson era." Of particular value is the study of the struggle of opinions within the bipartisan system, both in the South and in the North. Against the background of a broad canvas of socio-economic and political history, the first analysis of the state and development of public opinion in the USA is given, successively from the presidential election of 1824 to the defeat of the Democrats in the presidential election of 1840, when their opponents, the Whigs, came to power for the first time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-381
Author(s):  
Alexey D Streltsov

The article presents the research of the problem of white miners uprising in Witwatersrand in January-March 1922. The aim of the research was to surround the causes of the uprising, the reaction of British establishment and press, as well as the leader of the South African Union. Based on a number of sources, are shown the history of the issue and the driving forces of the rebels. The article contains an indication of both the traditional factors of the strike, characteristic of the industry of the fi rst half of XX, and the specifi c features of South Africa that aff ected the uprising. The author paid attention to the way of analyzing by the British press the causes of the uprising, and how various publications appreciate it, depending on their ideology. Besides, is considered the signifi cance of the uprising for further decision-making by the British leadership on colonial policy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-147
Author(s):  
Trevor Cullen

Newspaper editors need to play their part in tackling the emerging HIV/AIDS epidemic in the South Pacific region as they have enormous influence and can make a difference. They can help challenge public opinion on HIV/AIDS that is often based on ignorance, fear and prejudice, and also step up coverage and allocate more space for information about prevention.  


2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 550-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ishak Saporta ◽  
Bryan Lincoln

Current arguments about the causes of differing union density rates in the U.S. and Canada range from Lipset's public opinion hypothesis and differences in labour law, to increased U.S. managerial hostility. We use survey data on managers' and workers' attitudes in the two countries to examine the competing arguments. Using questions that probe opinions toward various aspects of union-firm relations, we find that managers' attitudes in the two countries do not differ. This finding suggests that increased U.S. managerial hostility is not the cause of the divergent unionization rates. U.S. workers are the most militant of the four groups, with Canadian workers in the middle, between managers and U.S. workers. Following literature which suggests that there may be important regional differences, we perform a similar analysis treating the South in the U.S. and Quebec in Canada separately. We find only minimal cross-regional differences.


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