The Universities and Science in Seventeenth Century England

1971 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara J. Shapiro

In the course of the debate over Puritan contributions to the scientific movement it sometimes has been asserted, and even more often assumed, that the English universities of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were either unsympathetic towards or even hostile to the “new philosophy,” and that scientific studies had no place within their confines. Proponents of this position acknowledge one major exception to the scientific hiatus at Oxford and Cambridge, that of the Wadham group organized by John Wilkins in the 1650s which was the precursor of the Royal Society. However, the exception itself is said to result from Puritan intervention in the universities, and the dissolution of the group to follow from the demise of the Puritan regime.It will be the purpose of this paper to examine the state of the sciences in Oxford and Cambridge prior to, during, and after the Interregnum in order to suggest that universities had shown a continuous interest in science, that Puritan intervention did not significantly alter the pattern of scientific concerns and that the existence of the Wadham group of the 1650s does little to lend support to the notion of a connection between Puritanism and the development of science.The evidence for science in the universities before the Puritan Revolution is necessarily incomplete and scattered as is much of our knowledge of university life in that period. It might be best to begin with the work of Mark Curtis and F. R. Johnson who have already shown that the traditional framework of studies permitted the introduction of new ideas. By 1610 Oxford men had been disputing about such topics as the Copernican thesis, the infinity of the universe, the plurality of worlds, the habitability of the moon, and the earth as a magnet in formal university exercises.

1960 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-382
Author(s):  
Harold Spencer Jones

This year the Royal Society celebrates the third centenary of its foundation. In this paper Sir Harold Spencer Jones, the late Astronomer Royal, who was the Institute's first President, describes the early years of the Society and shows how closely some of its work was related to navigation.For some two thousand years, until well into the seventeenth century, the writings of the ancient Greek philosophers, and in particular those of Aristotle, were regarded as the supreme fountain of wisdom and the source of all knowledge. The break with the Aristotelian dogma may be said to have started with the publication by Copernicus in 1543 of his De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium whereby the Earth was displaced from proud position as the centre of the Universe, fixed and immovable, and asserted to be not only rotating around an axis but also to be merely one of a system of planets revolving around the Sun as a centre. Copernicus had refrained for thirty years from publishing his theory as he knew that it would be received with ridicule, not merely because it was not in accordance with Aristotelian dogma but also because it would be held to be against the Scriptures. The Copernican theory met, in fact, with widespread opposition and more than a century elapsed before it came to be generally accepted; for long it was regarded as merely a convenient mathematical representation of the motions of the planets without any true physical basis.


Author(s):  
Peter Wothers

We don’t know for sure where the names of the longest-known elements come from, but a connection was made early on between the most ancient metals and bodies visible in the heavens. Figure 1 shows an engraving from a seventeenth-century text with the title ‘The Seven Metals’ (translated from the Latin). It isn’t immediately obvious how the image is meant to depict seven metals until we explore the connections between alchemy and astronomy. However strange such associations seem to us now, we shall see that new elements named in the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries have had astronomical origins. We can’t properly understand why some of the more recent elements were named as they were without first understanding these earlier historical connections. As we look into the night sky, the distant stars remain in their same relative positions and seem to move gracefully together through the heavens. Of course, we now know that it is the spinning Earth that gives this illusion of movement. The imaginations of our ancestors joined the bright dots to pick out fanciful patterns such as the Dragon, the Dolphin, or the Great Bear—the latter being more often known today (with rather less imagination) as the Big Dipper, the Plough, or even the Big Saucepan. But, while these patterns, the constellations, remained unchanging over time, there were seven objects, or ‘heavenly bodies’, that seemed to move across the skies with a life of their own. They were given the name ‘planet’, which derives from the Greek word for ‘wanderer’ (‘planetes asteres’, ‘πλάνητες ἀστέρες’, meaning ‘wandering stars’). These seven bodies were the Sun, the Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, all of which were documented by the Babylonians over three thousand years ago. Until the sixteenth century, the most commonly held view was that the Earth was at the centre of the Universe and that the seven bodies revolved around the Earth, with the relative orbits shown schematically in Figure 2.


Author(s):  
Vivian Salmon

Recent studies of John Wilkins, author ofAn essay towards a real character, and a philosophical language(1668) have examined aspects of his life and work which illustrate the modernity of his attitudes, both as a theologian, sympathetic to the ecumenical ideals of seventeenth-century reformers like John Amos Comenius (DeMott 1955, 1958), and as an amateur scientist enthusiastically engaged in forwarding the interests of natural philosophy in his involvement with the Royal Society. His linguistic work has, accordingly, been examined for its relevance to seventeenth-century thought and for evidence of its modernity; described by a twentieth-century scientist as “impressive” and as “a prodigious piece of work” (Andrade 1936:6, 7), theEssayhas been highly praised for its classification of reality (Vickery 1953:326, 342) and for its insight into phonetics and semantics (Linsky 1966:60). It has also, incidentally, been examined for the evidence it offers on seventeenth-century pronunciation (Dobson 1968).


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
Marcello De Martino

The Pythagorean Philolaus of Croton (470-390 BCE) created a unique model of the Universe and he placed at its centre a ‘fire’, around which the spheres of the Earth, the Counter-Earth, the five planets, the Sun, the Moon and the outermost sphere of fixed stars, also viewed as fire but of an ‘aethereal’ kind, were revolving. This system has been considered as a step towards the heliocentric model of Aristarchus of Samos (310-230 BCE), the astronomical theory opposed to the geocentric system, which already was the communis opinio at that time and would be so for many centuries to come: but is that really so? In fact, comparing the Greek data with those of other ancient peoples of Indo-European language, it can be assumed that the ‘pyrocentric’ system is the last embodiment of a theological tradition going back to ancient times: Hestia, the central fire, was the descendant of an Indo-European goddess of Hearth placed at the centre of the religious and mythological view of a deified Cosmos where the gods were essentially personifications of atmospheric phenomena and of celestial bodies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 11-21
Author(s):  
Michela Graziani ◽  
Lapo Casetti ◽  
Salomé Vuelta García

This miscellaneous volume aims to commemorate the Iberian and European celebrations about Magellan that started in 2019. Specifically, the volume commemorates: the person and the image of Magellan on earth (celebrating the 500 years of his circumnavigation of the Earth) and in the universe (remembering the two Magellanic clouds); the Eddington’s journey and the Apollo XI flight to the moon, through many essays that investigate the concept of travel in its several attitudes (explorative, scientific, philosophical, introspective, literary) in Sciences and Humanities, from ancient to contemporary ages, in an intercultural perspective, following a thematic scheme and a cronological one as well, if it is possible.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Wasudewa Bhattacarya

<p><em>The spread of Hinduism from India to Indonesia is the result of acculturation of culture which then brought the concepts of Astronomy-Astrology in </em><em>Jyotiṣa </em><em>to Indonesia and Bali. Arriving in Bali, the concept of Astronomy-Astrology is known as Wariga. Wariga’s existence gave rise to holy days in the implementation of Yajña. One of them is the holy day of Purnama-Tilem. The determination of this holy day is based on the appearance of the moon from the earth as a repetitive cycle. If the moon appears perfectly round from the earth, it is called Purnama (Full Moon), whereas if the moon is not visible from the earth it is called Tilem (Dark Moon). This shows that there are two very basic differences in  determining Purnama  and  Tilem.  Dualistic this difference in Hinduism is called Rwa Bhinneda. Rwa Binneda is a polarization of life that speaks of all forms of dualism such as, top down, right left, dark light, and so on. Based on manuscipts in Bali, the existence of Purnama and Tilem shows a dualism in Hindu Theology called Sanghyang Rwa Bhinneda there  are Sanghyang Wulan and Sanghyang Surya at the level of </em><em>Saguṇa </em><em>Brahman. The dualism of the difference between Purnama and Tilem also influences Bhuwana Agung and Bhuwana Alit. The difference in the meaning of Purnama and Tilem is not something bad, but through this difference will bring about a balance between God, humans and the universe so that all beings will be able to reach the Moksartham Jagadhita ya ca iti Dharma.</em><em></em></p><p><strong><em><br /></em></strong><em></em><em></em></p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 132-162
Author(s):  
Erin Webster

This chapter reads John Milton’s use of vast shifts in perspective in Paradise Lost (1667) in relation to seventeenth-century developments in the mathematics of infinity and infinitesimals. In a period in which telescopes and microscopes promised to extend the eye’s reach indefinitely, this chapter shows that Milton’s use of the epic simile and Newton’s infinitesimal calculus, first published as an attachment to his optical treatise, Opticks (1704), are related attempts to express concepts that continue to exceed the limits of visual comprehension: the infinitely large, the infinitesimally small, and the paradoxical relationship between the two. The chapter places these two writers’ work within the context of baroque art and architecture, which similarly exploits perspective as a means of expressing the concept of an infinite universe held in tension with the limits of human perception. Ultimately, it argues that by requiring his readers to vacillate between multiple perspectives on the same object, Milton contributes to a broader cultural decentring of the earth-bound human perspective as the standard measure of the universe.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 985-987
Author(s):  
L. I. Gurvits

Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI) technique occupies a special place among tools for studying the Universe due to its record high angular resolution. The latter is in the inverse proportion to the length of interferometer baseline at any given wavelength. Until recently, the available angular resolution in radio domain of about 1 milliarcsecond at centimeter wavelengths was limited by the diameter of the Earth. However, many astrophysical problems require a higher angular resolution. The only way to achieve this at a given wavelength is to create an interferometer with the baseline larger than the Earth’s diameter by placing at least one telescope in space. In February 1997, the first dedicated Space VLBI mission, VLBI Space Observatory Program (VSOP), led by the Institute of Space and Astronautical Sciences (Japan) has been launched (Hirabayashi 1997). The VSOP mission opens a new dimension in the development of radio astronomy of extremely high angular resolution and will be followed by other Space VLBI missions. A review of scientific drives and technological challenges of the next generation Space VLBI mission have been discussed, for example, by Gurvits et al. (1996) and Ulvestad et al. (1997).


King Charles II, the founder and patron of the Royal Society, in its second charter of 1663, bade the Fellows apply their studies ‘to the advantage of the human race’. Encouraged by the presence of Moray and Bruce, both with industrial and business interests, and of William Petty, the founder of economic statistics, Charles was no doubt hoping for some practical results from their work. When he teased them ‘for spending time in weighing only air,’ he may well have had a material motive in his mind. Invention and Experiment In their early meetings they often discussed industrial problems, and they had committees on Mechanical Inventions and on Histories of Trade. In Robert Hooke their Curator of Experiments, they had one of the most prolific investigators and inventors of all time, remembered today as the founder of meteorology, for Hooke’s Law, for his universal or Hooke’s joint, the first dividing engine, the spiral gear, and the balance spring of watches. The interest of the Fellows in astronomy was due in no small part to their concern with the problems of navigation. John Wilkins, the Jules Verne of his generation, who presided at the founding meeting, wrote about the possibility of journeys to the moon and in his Mathematical Magick he discussed the flying Chariot’ and ‘an Ark for submarine Navigations’. So there was justification for the King’s optimism.


1873 ◽  
Vol 163 ◽  
pp. 587-627 ◽  

In the years 1869 and 1870 I communicated to the Royal Society the results of a series of experiments made with the view of determining, if possible, the amount of radiant heat coming to the earth from the moon in various conditions of phase, and the nature of that heat as regards the average refrangibility of the rays. Though more successful than I had at first been led to expect, the imperfect accordance between many of the observations still left much to be desired, and the novelty and importance of the subject appeared sufficient to render it advisable to pursue the investigation with greater care and closer attention to details than had hitherto been deemed necessary. Since the conclusion of the series of observations which form the subject of the second paper above referred to, nothing (with the exception of a short series of observations in August and October 1870, of which mention is made towards the end of this paper) was done towards pursuing the subject till the spring of the following year (1871), when the series of observations which form the subject of the present paper were commenced, the same apparatus (only slightly modified) being used and the same method of observation adopted; but, with the view of obtaining an approximate value of the absorption of the moon’s heat in its passage through our atmosphere, and of rendering possible the satisfactory comparison of observations made at different zenith-distances of the moon, the observations were in many cases carried on at intervals at all possible zenith- distances on the same night, and the most favourable opportunities for observing the moon at very different zenith-distances in various conditions of the atmosphere were not lost.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document