Reforming the Italian Electoral Law, 1993

2003 ◽  
pp. 96-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz
Keyword(s):  
2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graeme Orr
Keyword(s):  

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry D. Clark ◽  
Jill N. Wittrock

Efforts to test Duverger’s law in the new democracies of postcommunist Europe have had mixed results. Research argues that mixed systems have an effect on the number of effective parties that is distinct from that of single-mandate district and proportional representation systems. Less attention has been given to the effect of other institutions on the party system, particularly strong presidents. Analyzing election results in postcommunist Europe, the authors find support for Duverger’s law after controlling for the strength of the executive. They argue that strong presidents substantially reduce the incentive for parties to seize control of the legislative agenda. Hence, the restraint that electoral systems exercise on the proliferation of parties and independent candidates is weakened. The authors find that a further consequence of strong presidents is that the incentive for majority control of committees and the legislative agenda is weakened.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Capitanchik

The Israeli General Election of 1996 Has Been Described as a ‘referendum’ on the Middle East peace process, the central issue in the campaign. However, important as it was, the outcome of the election was determined not so much by the issue of peace, as by a change in the electoral law providing for the direct election of the prime minister. On 29 May, for the first time, Israelis went to the polls to elect a prime minister as well as a new Knesset and the result was yet another upheaval in Israeli political life.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-395
Author(s):  
Harold S. Quigley

A new statute for the election of members of the House of Representatives was promulgated in Japan on May 5, 1925, and will be applicable in the next general election. It is Japan's fourth electoral law, the previous ones having been promulgated in 1889, 1900, and 1919, respectively. All three of the earlier laws based the suffrage upon a tax-paying qualification, the first requiring voters to pay fifteen yen in direct national taxes, the second reducing the required tax to a minimum of ten yen, the third decreasing it still further to three yen. The present law abolishes the tax-paying qualification and provides that all males twenty-five years of age and over, who are not otherwise disqualified, and who do not receive “public or private relief or help for a living, on account of poverty,” shall be entitled to exercise the suffrage. In addition to paupers and vagabonds, there continue to be excluded from the franchise active members of the army and navy, certain classes of civilian officials, women, and the heads of noble houses. Priests, religious teachers, primary school teachers, government contractors, and certain classes of students hitherto unenfranchised now gain the suffrage and may become candidates for election. Under the law of 1889 the franchise was exercisable by 450,000 men, and under that of 1900 by 983,000; the act of 1919 increased the electorate to 2,860,000; while the present law raises it to an estimated total of 12,000,000.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-194
Author(s):  
Henri Breny

Belgian electoral law clearly and explicitly describes a procedure (known as «connecting») by which proportional representation is refined through (voluntary) grouping of lists from different districts of the same province. However, the actual practice of provincial electoral boards diverges from legal prescriptions to the extent that about 10 % of the seats at the House of Representatives are mis-occupied, though there is absolutely nothing that could impede a strict application of the law.


Author(s):  
Daria Zubkova

The paper deals with some complex issues related to the implementation of the electoral right by citizens through the remote form. The specifics of electronic voting, its pros and cons are revealed.


Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 55-61
Author(s):  
Evgeniy I. Kolyushin ◽  

Changes to the electoral law in 2020 are stipulated by the preparation and conduct of the Nationwide Vote on Amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation. They are qualified as a reform that needs theoretical understanding and evaluation from the standpoint of the principles of electoral law.


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