Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

Author(s):  
Yuriy Kyrychenko ◽  
Hanna Davlyetova

The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public authorities and local governments. It is determined that in a modern democratic society, political parties carry out their activities in the following areas: the work of representatives of political parties in public authorities and local governments; participation in elections of state authorities and local self-government bodies; promoting the formation and expression of political will of citizens, which involves promoting the formation and development of their political legal consciousness. These areas of political parties determine their role and importance in a modern democratic society, which determines the practical need to improve their activities and improve the national legislation of Ukraine in the field of political parties. Political parties are one of the basic institutions of modern society, they actively influence the ac-tivities of public authorities, economic and social processes taking place in the state and so on. It is through political parties that the people participate in the management of public affairs. Expressing the interest of different social communities, they become a link between the state and civil society. The people have the opportunity to delegate their powers to political parties, which achieves the ability of the people to control political power in several ways, which at the same time through competition of state political institutions and political parties contributes to increasing their responsibility to the people. It is noted that the political science literature has more than 200 definitions of political parties. And approaches to the definition of this term significantly depend on the general context in which this issue was studied by the researcher. It was emphasized that today in Ukraine there are important issues related to the activities of political parties. First of all, it is a significant number of registered political parties that are incapable, ie their political activity is conducted formally or not at all. According to official data from the Department of State Registration and Notary of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, 352 political parties are registered, of which 48 political parties do not actually function. The reason for the liquidation of such parties is not to nominate their candidates for the election of the President of Ukraine and People's Deputies of Ukraine for 10 years. According to this indicator, Ukraine ranks first among other European countries. Thus, 73 political parties are officially registered in Latvia, 38 in Lithuania, 45 in Moldova, 124 in Romania, and 56 in Slovakia. However, despite the large number of officially registered political parties in Ukraine, public confidence in their activities is low. It is concluded that political parties occupy a special place in the political and legal system of society and play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, as well as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered, namely: introduction of effective and impartial control over activity of political parties; creating conditions for reducing the number of political parties, encouraging their unification; establishment of effective and efficient sanctions for violation of the requirements of the current legislation of Ukraine by political parties.


Author(s):  
I. Kiyanka

Problem setting. The flourishing of populism in recent years is caused, in our opinion, by an important factor – the current political bankruptcy of the Ukrainian left forces related, some way or another, to the Soviet past. Under the conditions of the authority concentration in the hands of the centrists and right centrists, the public request for social justice and more equal access of the citizens to the basic social benefits has lost common in the previous decades mechanisms of political representation. Thus, it was populists who touched on this topic and filled in the empty social and political niche. The positions of the majority of the political elite and the mood of the general public are apparently similar within the scope of this aspect. The citizens unsatisfied first of all with their economic position, which worsened sharply under the conditions of war and crisis, hope that the reforms will become the tool for the improvement of their lives. However, the reforms, in the direction of which the Ukrainian government has been mowing after the Euromaidan and which are supported by the international donors and strategic allies of Ukraine, focus on the value-based choice, which is quite different from the intrinsic to the majority of Ukrainians aspiration for “social justice”. Recent research and publications analysis. This problem was studied by such scientists as V. Haiets, O. Maidanchyk, T. Podorozhna, B. Makhonchuk, O. Yushchyk, and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Analysis of the parties' programs, which nominated their candidates for deputies, found out discrepancies in their area of focus with important for the citizens problems. Some issues are covered very generally, and promises are not backed up with the mechanism of realization. Particularly, the economic block of issues related to the filling of local budget and development of local economy very faintly touches all subjects of the election process. Promises for the provision of additional benefits to medical workers, educators, and socially disadvantaged categories do not explain from which resources these promises will be funded. Moreover, election campaigns paid little attention to the demographic problem. Paper main body. Most citizens ignored the local election as they considered their role insignificant. Complicated ballots and oppressive epidemiologic statistics also became a constraining factor for many people. There was plenty of political advertisement in social media, direct meetings with electors, but there was a lack of the element of involvement or discussions. Apparently, some of the mentioned attributes are intrinsic to the politicians and public in general in western countries as well. But the main difference lies in the level of application of such attributes and the attitude to them of electors and society in general. Since it is clear: politicians act the way their electors allow them to act.  Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Although the main subjects of the local election process were political parties, the party principle was of secondary meaning. During the election, the citizens of the hromads (communities) focused on the candidates of local or national level and were not interested in the election programs of the parties. But there is one detail: the current election legislation provides the imperative mandate. That is, if an elected deputy does not work well or does not follow party discipline, they can be dismissed by the decision of a party. Discussions not about which street shall be reconstructed next, but about the outlook on life and related things: how we are planning to live the next 5 years, how we can make our city more convenient for the citizens, etc. The absence of interesting innovative ways of solution of relevant local problems caused some kind of weariness and inactivity of electors. Unfortunately, none of the candidates and political parties did manage to mobilize their electors and heighten the interest of society in this election campaign. The first feature – this election was conducted under the conditions of quite unbalanced and non-perfect Electoral Code. It can be proved by the fact that during the election campaign – in September – the parliament tried to introduce amendments to the Code. Thus, the range of problems taking place during the election was caused by the imperfection of the legislation. Secondly, local parties, which do not have significant influence during parliamentary elections, most often do not participate in them at all. In sociological polls, quite big part of respondents chooses different parties for local and parliamentary elections. During nation-wide elections, significant role play popular political leaders and parties headed by them. Secondly, the next nationwide election in our country will be held in 2025.


Author(s):  
Taras Kozak

On the base of literary sources, the gist of political influence in geographical realities was specified. The role of electoral support as the basis for impact was examined. A considerable importance of political parties’ impact on the territorial-political structure of the society, its unity and stability were outlined. Spatial conformity with a law of people’s behaviour in connection with the election to the legislative body of state power of Ukraine was explored. The results of the emergency parliamentary election to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 2014 in the context of the geographical impact of political parties of Ukraine were analysed. The peculiarities of voters division for parties among rural and urban population were elucidated. Positive and negative tendencies of election campaign were found out. The recommendations for harmonisation of party and political system were suggested. Key words: election, influence, electoral support, constituency, party-political system, political party.


The results of the parliamentary elections of 2019 in the Republic of Moldova and the features of the structure of the state power vertical are analyzed. Using mathematical methods, the results of the parliamentary elections were also analyzed, the main determinants of the prevailing political processes, the key regions of the main political forces were determined, the general political landscape of the republic was clarified and investigated, its main laws were determined. The problematic issues of the political life and structure of the Republic of Moldova were examined. The features of the electoral legislation of the country are established. The properties of the main political parties of the republic are analyzed. Some features of the course of the national election process are highlighted. The features of the main political parties, their electoral field, ideological orientation, the history of formation and inter-party relations are considered. The factors of influence on the will of Moldovan voters are investigated. In addition, an effective number of parties has been established in the Moldovan parliament. The configurations of potential coalitions in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova are analyzed. The ethnic component in the political life of the country is clarified. The role of the regional factor in the electoral process is emphasized. The spatial and electoral similarity of parties in the 2019 parliamentary elections was determined. The features of the functioning of the political system of the country are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the stability and capacity of possible coalitions and the success of potential coalition negotiations in general. The degree of regional homogeneity of the parties is clarified. The role of religion in the electoral process during the parliamentary elections of 2019 is determined. The results of mathematical calculations are analyzed and the results of the analysis are summed up.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-470
Author(s):  
A. Popovych ◽  
A. Sabovchyk

Changing the political elite in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections raises interest in what will be the state's policy in various fields, including the environment. After all, the effectiveness of state environmental policy has not been achieved in previous years. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the environmental trends of election (presidential, parliamentary) programs. In terms of research tasks, an attempt has been made to find out which of the types of environmental consciousness are the preferences of election programs; to trace the relationship between the environmental components of the programs of Presidential candidates and the political parties they represent; to find out whether the objectives of the state environmental policy of Ukraine for the period up to 2030 are taken into account in the election programs. The study was based on the environmental components of the election programs of the top 5 presidential candidates and the top 5 political parties that entered the parliament. The results of the analysis revealed that they were not filled enough: some did not contain such information or were formulated as a slogan of a single sentence. It is revealed that the content of election programs legitimizes the postmodern (harmonious) type of environmental consciousness. Only one program combines characteristics of all three types, including traditionalist and modernist (technocentric). It has been found that the environmental provisions of the programs of the presidential candidates and their political parties in the parliamentary elections are only partially correlated. The authors' special attention is focused on the consistency of election program provisions with the strategic goals of the state environmental policy. This aspect of the study shows that greening the worldview of the society as one of the five strategic goals of Ukraine's state environmental policy is not mentioned in the documents analyzed. Good environmental governance is only declared during a presidential campaign in one program regarding responsibility for environmental damage. The other two goals (sustainable development of natural resource potential, reduction of environmental risks and a safe environment) are fragmented. In both campaigns, greening of management decisions on socio-economic development is the most significant. The authors conclude about old trends of formal, ideologically unformed attitude of the political elite towards the environment in the election programs, the emergence of a business component as a relatively new trend in one of the election programs, and also express the opinion about the debate over the complex environmental policy and the new power of the new authorities management decisions in this area.


Author(s):  
Adam Gendźwiłł ◽  
Paweł Swianiewicz

Directly elected mayors were introduced in Poland in 2002 in all local governments at the municipal level. This chapter discusses the rationale behind the reform, the arguments of the proponents of the change, the politics of implementing the reform, as well as actual outcomes. It argues that – opposite to some expectations – the reform has not resulted in increasing citizen interest in local elections. But it has strengthened the position of the mayors in municipal relations, brining Poland very close to the classic strong mayor model, stabilized position of mayors, and stopped the process of the conquest of local governments by national political parties. The increasing frequency of multi-term, long lasting mayors leads to discussion of possible further reforms, reducing the advantage of incumbents. But the system of direct election itself seems to be a very stable element of the local government architecture in Poland – it is not questioned by the current debates by any of important political parties or even by the councillors, whose role was reduced by the 2002 reform.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Handi Mulyaningsih

In Indonesia, women were elected as governors, regents, mayors and deputy regional head is still small. The same phenomenon occurred in Lampung during the election period of 2005-2014, not a single female candidate was elected as regional head and deputy regional head. New on the elections in 2015 elected two women as East Lampung Regent (Chusnunia Chalim) and Vice Regent of Pesisir Barat (Erlina). The purpose of this study to determine the factors Chusnunia Chalim victory (and a couple Zaiful Bokhari) in local elections in East Lampung district in 2015. Theoretical framework used to explain the modalities of political contestation of the election, assuming that the candidate that wins must have the capital that includes political capital, social capital, and economic capital. This study used a descriptive approach qualitative research informants the winning team mate Chusnunia Chalim and Zaiful Bokhari, Commissioner of the East Lampung Regency, local community leaders, and some leaders of political parties bearers and supporters of the candidate. Discussion of the results showed that women's involvement in political elections and local governments began to seem real. Chusnunia because social capital is consolidated with the political capital of the bearers of political parties (PKB and PD) and the PDI-P supporters of political parties. This victory more dominant factor in social capital and strengthened by the political capital that appears at times the last round of the campaign. Social capital is obtained from the ethnic affiliation of voters with candidates and religious culture of the majority of the population of East Lampung. Meanwhile, the advantage of the element of political capital gained from the failure of incumbent candidates in the voting stage. So that prospective incumbent and its main bearers of political parties, PDI-P, shift support to Chusnunia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chijioke Basil Onuoha ◽  
◽  
Henry Ufomba ◽  
Ebong Itoro Bassey

One of the most contested issues in Nigeria’s political landscape and federal structure is the debate on the fiscal autonomy of the Local Government as the third tier of government. The literature on the subject appears to zero down the issue of Local Government fiscal autonomy to a political ‘devil’. The position of existing scholarship on the subject concludes that by taking advantage of Sections 7 and 162 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, it is common practice for the State Governors to usurp the autonomy of the Local Governments. The Governors are also accused of using the Joint Account framework to control the statutory allocations of the Local Governments. Hence, Local Governments in Nigeria lacks fiscal autonomy which is one of the main principles of the three tiers of government structure. However, the underlying politics that has played out in the Fourth Republic in Nigeria reveals that this historical and legalistic perception does not provide a complete explanation of the problem. This is because the literature does not consider the role of the political elite at the Local Government level in sustaining the shrewd nature of State and Local Governments interaction in Nigeria’s Federal structure, rather the existing literature focused entirely on the governor as a ‘devil’ and ignores the role of the political class at the grassroots level as “lying angels”. This paper is therefore an invitation for a deeper theoretical deconstruction of this phenomenon to stimulate an encompassing and interesting perceptive on what we conceptualize as State-Local Government Interactions in Nigeria (SLIN). Our primary objective is to draw attention to the role of the personalities of the political class at the grassroots level which makes up the highest cadre of the hierarchy in the Local Government in shaping SLIN. We present a case that future debates should go beyond “devil” and also focus on the profound role of “lying angels”.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARINDRAJIT DUBE ◽  
OEINDRILA DUBE ◽  
OMAR GARCÍA-PONCE

To what extent, and under what conditions, does access to arms fuel violent crime? To answer this question, we exploit a unique natural experiment: the 2004 expiration of the U.S. Federal Assault Weapons Ban exerted a spillover on gun supply in Mexican municipios near Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico, but not near California, which retained a pre-existing state-level ban. We find first that Mexican municipios located closer to the non-California border states experienced differential increases in homicides, gun-related homicides, and crime gun seizures after 2004. Second, the magnitude of this effect is contingent on political factors related to Mexico's democratic transition. Killings increased disproportionately in municipios where local elections had become more competitive prior to 2004, with the largest differentials emerging in high narco-trafficking areas. Our findings suggest that competition undermined informal agreements between drug cartels and entrenched local governments, highlighting the role of political conditions in mediating the gun-crime relationship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Ian Pasaribu

This study examines, analyzes dna discusses Simultaneous elections Politics and Law: controversy Central Government Policies Related Legal Decisions Election District, North Sumatra Simalungun Where the Year 2015. On December 9, 2015 ago in elections Simalungun which is one of five areas was postponed due Regent Amran deputy candidate Sinaga experienced legal permaslahan. This study uses the theory of Elections, the concept of democracy and the electoral law. This study used qualitative methods with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of this study are Chronologically elections Simalungun, Inconsistency Regulations, Budget Swelling elections, Process Inaugural JR Saragih. Where the conclusions of this research local elections December 9, 2015 simultaneously experiencing the same problem as well as a substantial permasalahn. Registration problems associated pair of candidates is the responsibility of political parties to avoid any single candidate. On the issue of the availability of budget, the government and local governments need to give a strong political will to urgently solve the problem.


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