All Politics is ‘Local’?

Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter examines the complex interplay between the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) and the multiple levels of political representation that comprise India's system of local government, known as panchayati raj, which includes elected councils at the village, block, and district levels. The analysis of the politics of NREGA implementation assesses the roles played by both politicians and administrators operating at each of these three levels. These interactions are assessed through an examination of three NREGA-related processes: (1) the increased power and resources of elected local councils, and the consolidation of power within these councils by their leaders; (2) the rationing of work opportunities, and the political logic behind the exclusion of certain groups; and (3) the struggles between village- and block-level actors over opportunities to engage in corruption.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
V Chinnasamy

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) indicates that the programme can have an impact positivelyon the social and economic well-being of rural labourers and their families in particular. It holds the great prospect of bringing significant changes in the rural area. MGNREGA has strengthened the social auditing through various mechanisms adopted by the scheme which is mandated to be implemented by the village panchayats. One of the prime requirements of the project is that it is to be performed by the village panchayat not through the contractors either appointed by the panchayats.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862098519
Author(s):  
Shantanu De Roy ◽  
C. Saratchand

The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic has led to an aggravation of the agrarian crisis in India. The rural proletariat, poor peasants, and a section of middle peasants in India have been adversely affected. The paper advances a composite policy initiative to deal with this aggravation of the agrarian crisis involving an expansion of the existing rural employment guarantee schemes, various input subsidies to farmers, universal provision of safety gear for rural producers, and an expanded public procurement of food grains. It concludes with the political prognosis of the proposed composite policy initiative.


Author(s):  
Neha Wasal

National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) aimed at providing direct employment to the deserving rural people has been in operation for last many years. The present study had conducted to assess the role of NREGA programme with the following specific objectives: (i) To study socio-economic profile of the beneficiaries of NREGA (ii) To assess the contribution of NREGA in socio-economic development of its beneficiaries (iii) To identify the factors of success and failure (iv) To render suitable suggestions for further improvement in the NREGA programme. Research gap of this study was to analyze the profitability of social programmes being initiated by governments. Results showed Socio-economic profile of the respondents that most of the respondents were male, in the middle age group, hailing from Schedule Caste category and were having little education and low income level. The profile of beneficiaries of NREGA programme indicated that the benefits of this programme is going to the deserving people. Rural connectivity (repair of roads etc.), village cleanliness, plantation were the major areas in which the NREGA beneficiaries worked under the supervision of a Mate. The village Sarpanch proved to be the major person who made aware to the beneficiary and helped them to get employment under this programme. On an average beneficiary of NREGA got employment for 15 days in a month. All the beneficiaries of the NREGA programme got prescribed wage i.e. Rs.123 per day which was paid timely to the respondents. 1/5th of the respondents held that dependency on the farmers had reduced after joining NREGA programme and also wage rate had increased in other activities in villages due to the arrival of NREGA programme. 38 per cent of the respondents opined that NREGA activities helped them to remove idleness whereas 25 per cent of respondents felt more social recognized after joining NREGA. Overall the launching of NREGA programme had increased the demand for labour in rural areas. The non beneficiary of NREGA programme did not join the NREGA largely due to social inhibition (not ready to do labour in own village), low wage rate and irregularity of work. Irregular grants and work opportunities, less wage rate were the major constrains experienced by the beneficiaries of NREGA. Regularity in grants, generating adequate employment opportunity may prove more useful for NREGA beneficiary and society at large.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-240
Author(s):  
Ulul Azmi M.

Abstract: This article is a field research on the application of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006 about the local government in Waru-Sidoarjo. The research was conducted by interviewing some people from four villages, namely Ngingas, Kepuh Kiriman, Tambak Oso, and Tambak Rejo. The research concludes that the community of the four villages had been carrying out the mandate of the Regional Autonomy Law No. 32 year 2004, jo PERDA (Regional Regulation) No. 7 year 2006. However, the compliance in carrying out the law is not based on their legal awareness. It is because there are some laws that are considered as discrimination and murder of the rights of individuals, including the prohibition of the village government to take charge of the political party (consulting / comparative study) ". It can, of course, kill the principles of human rights and democracy, whereas the legislation itself gives respect to the principles of democracy and human rights. The principles to be considered in formulating constitution is the guarantee of human rights of each member of society and the equality of all people before the law without any distinctions of social statification.Keywords: Implementation, regional autonomy law, Waru


Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter provides a close examination of specific provisions found in the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA). The analysis of the legal and regulatory provisions (the content) is followed by an examination of how NREGA came into being (its origins). The focus, again, is on the politics underlying this process. The chapter stresses the importance of India's precursor employment programs and various movements that have over the years worked to make them more accountable to their intended beneficiaries. It also assesses aspects of NREGA that became matters of intense debate on the floor of parliament, in the media, and beyond. Each of these contested legislative provisions would subsequently, in one form or other, play a role in the political battles surrounding NREGA's implementation (a subject covered in Chapter 7 of the book).


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-17
Author(s):  
Waldemar Wojtasik

Abstract The article presents the results of research on the congruence of the political representation formed in elections held in the years 2009-2011 in Poland. The election cycle included the European Parliamentary elections in 2009, the Polish presidential election, elections to local government in 2010, and the parliamentary elections in 2011. The median citizen, median voter, and their positions on the left-right scale were used as tools for examining congruence. Studies have proven that in Poland, the median citizen and the median voter are positioned on the right side of the left-right scale. The legislature and executive authorities chosen in the elections are located left of the median citizen and the median voter. Studies have not demonstrated the existence of any impact of the electoral system on the positioning of the median citizen and the median voter.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Tong Zhihui

Abstract This paper attempts to look beyond the currently ideologically-charged interpretations of the turning point during the Wukan Incident and instead seeks to trace its real causes. Soon after the top-level authorities stepped in to deal with the Incident, we quickly witnessed the rapid process of turning the Incident around, set in motion by five types of measures/mechanisms. Firstly, their direct involvement, breaking up the immediate standoff between the local government and the villagers. Secondly, determining that the Incident was, by nature, about interests, thus dispelling the political nature of the Incident. Thirdly, positioning themselves on the side of the people, thus easing the contentious nature of the Incident. Fourthly, adopting a combination of both leniency and stringency to dispel confrontational sentiment amongst the organizers. Finally, releasing the detained villagers and returning the body of Xue Jinbo, relieving the blanket of grief that had enveloped the village during the contention. These measures were in keeping with the belief of the organizers that the top-level authorities were both more willing than the local government to solve their problems, and more able. This paper opens a new avenue for beginning to develop our understanding of government behavior during contentious politics. It is also an attempt to make up for the present ‘omission of the state,’ which is one of the weaknesses of existing research on contentious politics in reform-era China


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. p1
Author(s):  
Dr Shiw Balak Prasad ◽  
Kiran Modi

Panchayati Raj is accepted as a way of life to-day. An attractive name like “Decentralization” seems to attract popular imagination. The birth of Panchayati Raj has necessitated self-management of the problems of the community, a sense of popular participation and the political education of the villager in the citizenship of his country. The success of Panchayati Raj and the fulfillment of the hopes of people’s participation and involvement in the development work in the villages depend largely upon effective local leadership. “No country can hope to achieve good working democracy let alone a Welfare State without a strong and healthy system of local Government.” Again, no local Government can remain healthy unless it is liable to change needed to adapt it to changes in the human and physical environment.


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