Zhu Kezhen 竺可楨 (1890–1974)

Author(s):  
Iwo Amelung

Zhu Kezhen (1890–1974), also known as Chu Coching, was a Harvard-educated meteorologist who worked in the field of climate sciences in China from 1918 to 1974. He was highly regarded under vastly different political regimes. His concerns regarding the development of observatory networks, educational practices, and the establishment of research topics reflect the development of the field in China, which only began at the very end of the 19th century. Zhu Kezhen was influenced by the meteorological and climate knowledge imparted to him by his academic teachers in the United States and appropriated Ellsworth Huntington’s ideas on climate determinism, which shaped some of his fundamental concerns. One of his main achievements was to make use of a wide array of observational and other data in order to contribute to the “localization” of climate science. In fact, employing data culled from traditional sources and making use of and expanding the phenological knowledge of traditional Chinese rural society allowed him to approach climate science in a way that was not easily possible in the West. Zhu’s research into historical climate change in China embodied many aspects of his approach to the localization of science in China, but changes in the international scientific network (from an American-European to a Soviet-dominated network) and the political turmoil in the People’s Republic of China greatly impaired his work. Zhu’s research remains highly influential and has exerted considerable influence on environmental and climate history.

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-411
Author(s):  
Daniel Berman

Rayon, a shiny artificial fabric with the flashy allure of silk, constitutes no danger to consumers. But worker exposure to carbon disulfide, an essential input in rayon manufacture, can drive workers insane and kill them as well. The dangers of carbon disulfide have been known since the middle of the 19th century. Professor Paul Blanc’s book traces the social amnesia about the dangers of making rayon and how its production has shifted from wealthy countries in Europe, the United States, and Japan to poorer countries like South Korea and the People’s Republic of China. The history of the rayon industry constitutes a metaphor for the lives of millions of people who toil unnoticed at dangerous jobs to support their families and help make life possible and even pleasurable for the luckier ooernes.


Antiquity ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 73 (279) ◽  
pp. 176-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Olivier

In contemporary scientific research, the most marked result of the last 30 years has been the development of a specifically American science and its emancipation from the old European intellectual heritage of the 19th century and the interwar period. This movement, marked in archaeology by the birth of the New Archaeology in the 1960s and 1970s, followed by the anti-processual reaction of the 1980s and 1990s, has been accompanied by a process of globalization of the archaeological discipline, leading to the unification of methods and theory. The birth of a world market dominated by the United States, characterized by mass consumption and the hegemony of the economic over the political, has imposed new practices of archaeology, which post-processual scholars have been quick to exploit.


Author(s):  
S. Makhammaduly ◽  

The article analyzes the historical foundations, current state, and prospects of the development of dialogue between the shores of the Taiwan Strait. The research of US analytical centers on the prospects of the development of US-Chinese relations and the «Taiwan Question» is examined. Over the decades of virtually separate development, with the serious influence of the United States, radical changes have taken place in the political culture of the citizens of the Republic of China. The so-called “Taiwanese mentality” is being formed on the island, and the idea of Taiwan’s sovereignty is becoming more and more popular.


2019 ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

The 2011 uprisings had a profound impact on the geopolitics of the Middle East due to the vacuum created by the political turmoil consuming its three traditional power centers—Egypt, Syria and Iraq. Two old imperial rivals, Turkey and Iran, competed to fill the vacuum while an emerging new regional power, Saudi Arabia, made a bid for the leadership of the Arab world. At the same time, the United States, despite its efforts to disengage from Middle East conflicts, became more engaged than ever, first with Iran and then in civil wars underway in Syria and Iraq and against Islamic extremist groups. Meanwhile, Russia after two decades of absence, returned to quickly re-establish its influence there.


Author(s):  
Hongwei Bao

In an online research seminar titled ‘Intimacies in Asia in a Time of Pandemics’ (GCS Sydney 2020), Hans Tao-Ming Huang, a queer studies scholar from National Central University, Taiwan, compares the geopolitics in the current COVID-19 pandemic to a ‘new Cold War’. This war is characterised by an intense political and ideological antagonism between communist China and the liberal, democratic world led by the United States. In this antagonism, national borders are redrawn; political and ideological affiliations are re-enforced. As was the case with the last Cold War, the political and ideological affiliation of queer-identified people are under constant scrutiny. Queer people from China are often forced to take a stance by making a choice between China and the rest of the world, and between a country where LGBTQ rights are not recognised and the part of the world where same-sex marriages have been legalised and gay people can be ‘out and proud’, and between illiberal neoliberalism and liberal neoliberalism. This is a choice easier for some than others. As a queer-identified person born in the People’s Republic of China and currently living in the UK, I constantly feel the pressure to declare my own political and ideological allegiances. The ‘new Cold War’ accompanying the global pandemic has only exacerbated the pressure.


Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Cabestan

Between 1949 and 1979, the study of the relations across the Taiwan Strait concentrated on the contentious and sometimes violent coexistence of the two regimes that came out of the Chinese civil war: the victorious People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland and the largely defeated Republic of China (ROC), which had taken refuge on the island of Taiwan. After Deng Xiaoping in 1979 launched his “peaceful reunification policy,” interest moved to the burgeoning interactions between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. But it was only after Chiang Ching-kuo, the ROC president, decided in 1987 to allow Taiwanese residents to travel to and trade with the mainland through a third port that publications on cross-Strait relations started to mushroom. Since then, an increasing number of scholarly books and articles have been devoted to this theme. Interest in cross-Strait relations has also been stimulated by the quasi-concomitant democratization of Taiwan. As informal talks between Beijing and Taipei took off in 1992, a large number of publications started to concentrate on the political interactions across the Strait. The unprecedented expansion of trade and economic relations has naturally occupied a large space in terms of both research and publications, often exploring the political and strategic implications of this new interdependence, and in what more and more authors have described as “economic integration” between Taiwan and mainland China. Triggered by the increasing tension between China’s and Taiwan’s conflicting objectives, the 1995–1996 missile crisis directly contributed to multiplying books and articles not only on both entities’ armed forces and readiness to go to or sustain war, but also on the role of the United States in a strategic relationship that is as triangular as bilateral, if not more so. Beyond these lasting issues, research has also focused on the growing daily interactions between the mainland Chinese and the Taiwanese societies, in terms of education, culture, religious organizations, migrations, and marriages, although to date less has been published on these topics. Since 2010 or so, more research work has been devoted to the Chinese Communist Party’s united front work on Taiwan as an alternative strategy aimed at eventually reunifying the island to the mainland. Yet, the future of cross-Strait relations has remained an attractive subject, analyzed in connection with the perceived weakening strategic role of the United States in East Asia vis-à-vis a rapidly modernizing Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in the long term, and with the possible influence of Taiwan’s democratic experience on the mainland. Although it is not always easy to draw a line between studies on cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s often contentious domestic politics, excluded from this article are books and articles dealing mainly with the latter. With PRC sources in this area, scholars have faced another difficulty in the large amount of propaganda or biased publications; also included is a representative selection of both, attempting as much as possible to signal the limits of their usefulness. Finally, this bibliography prioritizes scholarly books and articles published in English or Chinese, complementing these with a few well-known titles in French and German.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hunter Gehlbach ◽  
Carly D Robinson ◽  
Christine Vriesema

People feel motivated to maintain consistency across many domains in life. When it comes to climate change, many find themselves motivated to maintain consistency with others, e.g., by doubting climate change to cohere with friends’ and neighbors’ beliefs. The resulting climate skepticism has derailed discussions to address the issue collectively in the United States. To counteract these social consistency pressures, we developed a cognitive consistency intervention for climate skeptics. We first demonstrated that most people share substantial faith in a variety of scientific findings, across disciplines ranging from medicine to astronomy. Next, we show that conservative participants who first acknowledge several general contributions of science subsequently report significantly stronger beliefs in climate science (as compared to conservatives who are asked only about their climate science beliefs). These findings provide an encouraging proof-of-concept for how an inclusive climate conversation might be initiated across the political divide.


1975 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 615-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hung-mao Tien

President Chiang Kai-shek's death on 16 April and President Gerald Ford's announcement that he would visit Peking in the autumn of 1975 once again direct attention to the political future of the Republic of China and the 16 million inhabitants of Taiwan. Progress towards diplomatic normalization between the United States and the People's Republic of China has been slower than many would have expected following President Nixon's visit to the mainland in February 1972. For the island's inhabitants any dramatic change in their political status may spell a permanent alteration in their life style, which has become substantially different from that of the mainland. Precisely because of this, one needs to look closely at their political aspirations and the socio-political changes that have occurred. Any political solution for Taiwan's future should be analysed with respect to its impact on these vital human interests.


MCU Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-93
Author(s):  
Kerry K. Gershaneck

The Commandant of the Marine Corps has identified the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as an existential threat to the United States in the long term. To successfully confront this threat, the United States must relearn how to fight on the political warfare battlefield. Although increasingly capable militarily, the PRC employs political warfare as its primary weapon to destroy its adversaries. However, America no longer has the capacity to compete and win on the political warfare battlefield: this capacity atrophied in the nearly three decades following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Failure to understand China’s political warfare and how to fight it may well lead to America’s strategic defeat before initiation of armed conflict and to operational defeat of U.S. military forces on the battlefield. The study concludes with recommendations the U.S. government must take to successfully counter this existential threat.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.


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