Intergovernmental Relations: Determinants and Dynamics

Author(s):  
Julieta Suarez-Cao

Intergovernmental relations in Latin America present a varied sample of both institutional determinants and actual dynamics. Constitutional structures regulate whether countries have a federal or a unitary system of territorial distribution of power and stipulate the territorial levels of government. Thus, constitutions structure the number of vertical and horizontal intergovernmental relations. Actual dynamics, however, depend on policy prerogatives that establish subnational authority vis-à-vis the national administration. These prerogatives, usually understood in terms of power, responsibilities, and resources, shape the territorial balance of power within a country. Power, responsibilities, and resources can be combined to apprehend the degree of authority in the hands of regional governments. Such authority is analytically organized into two dimensions: the regional power of self-rule and the power to share rule with national decision makers. This distinction helps to explain that the trend toward increasing regional authority is mostly a product of decentralization and devolution politics that have enhanced self-rule, rather than reforms that advance the shared rule dimension. Nevertheless, neither constitutional structures nor new regional policy prerogatives are the only determinants of the dynamics of intergovernmental relations. Informal institutions, such as subnational coalitions and local political clientelism, are particularly relevant to understanding the actual balance of power between national and subnational governments and among subnational arenas.

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Toubeau ◽  
Markus Wagner

Debates about decentralization raise cultural questions of identity and economic questions of redistribution and efficiency. Therefore the preferences of statewide parties regarding decentralization are related to their positions on the economic and cultural ideological dimensions. A statistical analysis using data from thirty-one countries confirms this: parties on the economic right are more supportive of decentralization than parties on the economic left, while culturally liberal parties favour decentralization more than culturally conservative parties. However, country context – specifically the degree of regional self-rule, the extent of regional economic disparity and the ideology of regionalist parties – determines whether and how decentralization is linked to the two dimensions. These findings have implications for our understanding of the politics of decentralization by showing how ideology, rooted in a specific country context, shapes the ‘mindset’ of agents responsible for determining the territorial distribution of power.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 151-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul C. Avey

Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 16-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Galbraith

Zivotofsky v. Kerry (Zivotofsky II) is a case about the constitutional distribution of power. The narrow question is whether Congress or the President has the power to determine whether a U.S. citizen born in Jerusalem can have “Israel” listed as his country of birth on his passport when the President does not formally recognize Jerusalem as part of Israel. As for the broader question—well, the case is packed with broader questions. Does the President have the exclusive constitutional authority to undertake the international legal act of recognition? Does the President have further exclusive constitutional authority to control the content of executive-branch communications with foreign nations? What powers does Congress have in foreign affairs? And are these justiciable issues for the federal courts to resolve?


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime�s �choke-point� passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca�s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing �Malacca dilemma� regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of �string of pearls� and the modernization of of People�s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China�s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina�s development. This paper will analyze the development of China�s dan India�s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China�s maritime strategy, India�s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 70-77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Tariq ◽  
Arif Khan ◽  
Bakhtiar Khan

Security dilemma plays an important part in determining state relations when particularly they are next door neighbors. In such a condition, it becomes difficult for the states to keep their security protected. Nations have to adopt policies that are beneficial for their national interest. An important function of security dilemma is that it also supports the balance of power theory which helps in balancing and counterbalancing of the countries. As far as, Pakistans security is concerned, it has two dimensions; the internal dimension which has greatly subsided during the present government while external dimension has always been like a Hanging Sword of Damocles. Pakistan is faced with this dilemma on both its eastern and western borders. The eastern border has caused three wars against India while the western border created trouble for Pakistan in the post-9/11 scenario. This paper discusses Pakists security dilemma with Afghanistan and India.


1965 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard L. Sklar

There are three basic contradictions in the Nigerian political system. They may be stated briefly at the outset. First, the machinery of government is basically regionalised, but the party machinery—the organisation of the masses—retains a strong trans-regional and anti-regional tendency. Secondly, the main opposition party has relied upon the support of a class-conscious regional power group in its drive against the system of regional power. Depending upon a regional section of the political class to effect a shift in the class content of power, it was really asking that section to commit suicide. This contradiction produced a crisis in the Western Region which might easily be repeated elsewhere. Thirdly, the constitutional allocation of power is inconsistent with the real distribution of power in society. The constitution gives dominant power to the numerical majority—i.e., under existing conditions, to the north—but the real distribution of power is determined by technological development, in which respect the south is superior.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jihyun Kim

The East Asian security order has been affected by the increasing rivalry between China and Japan in recent years against the backdrop of the evolving Sino-Japan balance of power and the renewed nationalism in both countries. These developments have emerged as powerful wild cards, reinforcing the security dilemma and undermining the prospect for building a lasting peace between these two major powers in the region. This research is designed to examine Sino-Japan relations as well as the overall security order in East Asia. In particular, it looks into how the politics of nationalism intertwined with the changing regional power dynamics could affect the East China Sea dispute by creating an environment more conducive to bilateral tensions rather than mutual trust and cooperation.


Author(s):  
Christian Freudlsperger

The second chapter constructs a theoretical framework to account for the introduced research puzzle. Building on a central line of work on ‘federal dynamics’, it argues that the institutions and procedures of intergovernmental relations bear a decisive impact on a multilevel system’s ability to organize openness to international trade. While self-rule systems build on power-hoarding and the delineation of spheres of competence, shared rule systems rely on collaborative power-sharing between central and subcentral executives. In reference to Hirschman’s seminal concepts of exit and voice, the chapter then posits that any multilevel polity endows subcentral executives with a specific amount of voice in the making of trade and procurement policy. This voice it expects to be inversely related to exit: the more voice subcentral executives are equipped with, the less they dispose of an incentive to exit from a system-wide policy or international commitment. As shared-rule systems endow constituent units with more voice in polity-wide trade policy-making, they should organize openness more effectively than self-rule systems. At the same time, the inverse relationship between voice and exit does not unfold in an experimental vacuum. Depending on the specific policy sector, intervening factors can come to affect constituent units’ propensity to seek exit without affecting the amount of their voice. In the specific field of trade and procurement policy, the book expects two such policy-specific factors potentially to affect constituent units’ degree of exit. These are the amount of domestic procurement market integration and the politicization of international procurement liberalization.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheyne

Since 2000 intergovernmental relations in New Zealand have been evolving rapidly as a result of a significant shift in government policy discourse towards a strong central-local government partnership. New statutory provisions empowering local government to promote social, economic, environmental and cultural wellbeing have significant implications for the range of activities in which local authorities are engaged. In turn, this has consequences for the relationship between local government and central government. The effectiveness of the new empowerment and the prospects for further strengthening of the role of local government are critically examined. Despite some on-going tensions, and an inevitable mismatch in the balance of power between central and local government, it is argued that there is a discernible rebalancing of intergovernmental relations as a result of new legislation and central government policy settings which reflect a ‘localist turn’. On the basis of developments since 2000 it may be argued that the New Zealand system of local government is evolving away from the recognised ‘Anglo’ model. However, further consolidation is needed in the transformation of intergovernmental relations and mechanisms that will cement a more genuine central-local government partnership.


Author(s):  
Yukon Huang

President Xi’s “China Dream” is underpinned by the country’s expanding trade and aid initiatives. While many welcome such opportunities, Beijing’s assertive foreign policy has exacerbated tensions. Meanwhile, America’s rebalancing toward Asia is seen by China as a containment strategy. China’s response has been to launch its “One Belt, One Road” initiative to support infrastructure development along historic land and maritime routes across Asia and the Middle East to Europe. Beijing’s plans have been substantiated by large amounts of lending and a new multilateral institution. China is no longer willing to accept the United States as the dominant regional power, yet it is unclear whether America is prepared to surrender any portion of its primacy. It remains to be seen whether the disputes over the sovereignty of regional islands will lead to conflicts or a conciliatory process that will allow the region to remain stable and prosper.


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