The Cuban Embassy in Uruguay, 1959–1964

Author(s):  
Roberto García

The 1959 Cuban Revolution, the revolution’s subsequent strengthening, and the radical change that the process underwent beginning in 1961 marked a turning point in the history of Latin America. It implied the largest and most consistent regional challenge faced by the United States in an area where its influence had often been decisive. From then on, the Latin American Cold War intensified at every level. It was no longer about the “reactive” actions that took place among the conservative Latin American elite via the communism inspired by distant Moscow. In Cuba, the culture of the “revolution” was established, and the consequences were far from mere symbolism: Cubans also launched actions of “alternative diplomacy” to lend institutional support to the Latin American guerrilla movements. However, there is no documented study on Cuba’s role in Latin America. This is explicable in large part by the secrecy with which the Caribbean isle has made archival research in the country impossible. Although this secrecy is understandable in view of its nature as a heavily beleaguered revolution from abroad, this culture of secrecy contributed to expanding a production of journalistic and essay-based denunciation that habitually lacked rigor and interpretive frameworks. Since 2010, a certain spirit of openness has existed in the matter, an example of which is purported to be linked to the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs, whose historical repository has slowly begun to receive researchers, principally from abroad. Drawing upon the anxiety and curiosity of the international historiographic community about the images originating from Havana, an initial approach and investigation was carried out in the aforementioned tradition, with the aim of shedding light on several of the actions deployed by the Cuban Embassy in Uruguay during the initial and intense years of the Caribbean revolution.

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Monica Hirst

As is the case with other regions, in Latin America and the Caribbean, multilateral peace missions are subordinated to norms and expectations of specific mandates. Yet, post-Cold War peace missions in Latin America and the Caribbean share circumstances that are unique to this region. This article seeks to offer a sequenced overview of three scenarios – Central America, Haiti and Colombia – to show how these circumstances interplay as shaping factors in regional peace missions. Three circumstances are highlighted: i) the strategic irrelevance of the region; ii) the preeminence of the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean; iii) the response capacity of Latin American governments. These three are addressed as the core cast of determinants in post-conflict contexts in Latin America and Caribbean. This article explores how these circumstances have adapted in time producing reiterative dynamics attuned to international and regional changing landscapes. Even though the Colombian experience should be considered “an open case”, its inclusion contributes to enrich this argument. Final reflections raise the question if these circumstances explain as well the failures and reversed expectations of regional peace processes.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-727
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood ◽  
Minerva Morales M.

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.


Author(s):  
Marc Becker

Armed insurrections are one of three methods that the left in Latin America has traditionally used to gain power (the other two are competing in elections, or mass uprisings often organized by labor movements as general strikes). After the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, guerrilla warfare became the preferred path to power given that electoral processes were highly corrupt and the general strikes too often led to massacres rather than a fundamental transformation of society. Based on the Cuban model, revolutionaries in other Latin American countries attempted to establish similar small guerrilla forces with mobile fighters who lived off the land with the support of a local population. The 1960s insurgencies came in two waves. Influenced by Che Guevara’s foco model, initial insurgencies were based in the countryside. After the defeat of Guevara’s guerrilla army in Bolivia in 1967, the focus shifted to urban guerrilla warfare. In the 1970s and 1980s, a new phase of guerrilla movements emerged in Peru and in Central America. While guerrilla-style warfare can provide a powerful response to a much larger and established military force, armed insurrections are rarely successful. Multiple factors including a failure to appreciate a longer history of grassroots organizing and the weakness of the incumbent government help explain those defeats and highlight just how exceptional an event successful guerrilla uprisings are.


Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter tells the history of the German-born Uruguayan musicologist Francisco Curt Lange and the Latin-American Music Bulletin he created, a musicological project intended as a forum for musicians and music-related figures from all over Latin America, and the United States, interested in creating a regional field of musicological studies and musical promotion. It examines policies about disc collection, score printing and distribution, musical ethnographies, folklore, musical analysis, conferences, concerts, and regional institutions promoted by the Bulletin, and traces relevant aspects of Lange’s professional journey between Germany, Uruguay, Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, among other places. The chapter also highlights the changing place of the United States, both as a subject of musicological study and as a site of music-related hemispheric initiatives, in the history of this Latin Americanist project.


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-252
Author(s):  
Alan Angell

When Castro addressed a mass rally in Havana on the thirteenth anniversary of his unsuccessful attempt to storm the Moncada barracks, he referred with some feeling to what he called the ‘traditional communist parties’ of Latin America, attacking them for opposing his strategy of armed struggle which he claimed was the only correct way to seize power. In doing this Castro underlined the uniqueness of the Cuban situation in Latin America, and the difkulties attendant upon any attempt at classifying the Cuban revolution within the customary framework of communism in that continent.Latin American communist movements have a poor record as insurrectionary forces. Inview of the fierce suppression of communism by governments seeking an easy target at home, and approbation in Washington, it is perhaps not surprising that the 1935 uprising in Brazil stands almost alone in the history of communist attempts at seizing power by revolution in Latin America. But the communists add themselves to the weakness of their position. Their record of dealings with dictators, including of course Batista in Cuba, however theoretically justified in the long run, discredits them in the eyes of the powerful, and growing, radical, nationalist movements.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas H. Ubelaker ◽  
Sonia E. Colantonio

<table> <tr> <td> <p>Despite significant positive developments within topics of biological anthropology, archaeology, and related academic areas in Latin America, we noted a lack of coordination and communication among them. Available publications provide syntheses within different areas of biological anthropology, yet few have attempted integration of the distinct subfields. We decided to address the development and current issues of most major areas of Latin American biological anthropology in a single volume with chapters by distinguished, experienced scholars who live and work in Latin America, are knowledgeable about the topics, have published extensively on them, and who were recommended by specialists within six geographical regions of interest: Brazil and northeastern South America, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, northwestern South America, and southern South America. Six subdisciplines within biological anthropology were defined for academic coverage: (1) biodemography and epidemiology; (2) bioarchaeology and skeletal biology; (3) paleopathology; (4) forensic anthropology; (5) population genetics; and (6) growth, development, health, and nutrition. Though these six subdisciplines overlap to an extent, each offers a distinct history of development and presents unique issues to address. Chapters generally cover topics of history, the state of knowledge, methodological perspective, and areas in need of additional research. Although the text is in English, abstracts in English, Spanish, and Portuguese are included.</p> </td> </tr> </table>


Author(s):  
Antonio Sotomayor

Latin America and the Caribbean are regions that for more than 520 years have witnessed exceptional mixtures and exchanges of civilizations and cultures from all corners of the world, which clearly sets them apart from other places. This rich diversity is also seen through their experiences in sports. Latin America and the Caribbean have distinctive histories of sport that merit attention and study. Football (soccer) is the most popular sport in continental Latin America, while baseball is more popular in the Caribbean, including the Caribbean shores of Mexico, Central, and South America. For a separate bibliography on football (soccer) in Latin America see the separate Oxford Bibliographies article Football (Soccer) in Latin America. In this article we focus on other sports, as they can also provide us with important diverse vistas into Latin American and Caribbean dynamics. Baseball is the prime sport in the broader Caribbean. As one of the foremost sports in the United States, baseball has deep connections with this North American country, which in turn has a deep and problematic relationship with Latin American and Caribbean societies. Given the importance of baseball in this region of Latin America and the Caribbean, one full section of this article is devoted to this sport. Yet Latin American and Caribbean sport is more than football (soccer) and baseball. Indigenous societies practiced their own games, and elements of indigeneity can be seen presently. Some readings on indigenous games and indigeneity in today’s sports are provided. Sports such as horse racing, marathon running, and even sports such as bowling and billiards, have been practiced since colonial times. By the 19th century, many Latin American and Caribbean societies practiced cycling, boxing, swimming, athletics, and gymnastics, while many educators advocated for physical education curriculums nationally. Basketball, volleyball, car racing, tennis, golf, and many others were practiced in the 20th century, all contributing in different ways to making vibrant and diversified sport and athletic societies throughout the regions. Particularly important in Latin American and Caribbean sport is the regions’ involvement in the Olympic Movement, since its early revival in the modern era. José Bejamín Zubiar from Argentina was among the thirteen founders of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1894 and Latin American and Caribbean individuals have participated at the Olympic Games since 1896. The oldest regional games patronized by the IOC are the Central American and Caribbean Games held since 1926. Before that, Argentina held the Centennial Olympic Games in 1910, Dominican Republic organized their own Olympic Games in 1915, and in 1922 Brazil hosted the Latin American Games. The Pan-American Games, one of the world’s largest multi-sports event after the Olympic Games, have been held since its first hosting in Buenos Aires in 1951. Buenos Aires hosted the 2018 Youth Olympic Games. This bibliography is only a selection of the material on Latin American and Caribbean sport published since the late 1990s and 2000, excluding soccer/fútbol/balompié/futebol. For material pre-2000 see Joseph Arbena’s bibliographies (cited under Bibliographies). Sports can be studied through many disciplines, but the readings and materials listed here focus on the humanistic social sciences, humanities, and related fields. There was an effort to include all countries, but those with more literature will be represented more completely.


Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Arango Lasprilla ◽  
Laiene Olabarrieta-Landa ◽  
Isabel Gonzalez ◽  
Giselle Leal ◽  
José Enrique Álvarez Alcántara ◽  
...  

This chapter presents the history of neuropsychology in Latin America during five main periods. Prior to 1950, the term “neuropsychology” was rarely used. The development of this specialty in Latin America did not take place until the second half of the 20th century, centered primarily in Argentina and Uruguay. Historically, the development of neuropsychology has been slowed down by local wars, armed conflicts, and dictatorships. During the Second World War, intellectuals and scientists in neuroscience emigrated to Latin America and helped to advance the field. The period between 1970 and 1999 was mainly characterized by the evolution of neuropsychology in Colombia and Mexico and by the influence of the United States in Latin American neuropsychology. From 2000 until 2017, neuropsychology experienced a rapid growth, including establishment of graduate programs, societies, clinics/centers, Latin American scientific journals, and research publications, as well as the creation of Spanish language neuropsychological tests. As of 2018, most professionals in neuropsychology in Latin America work in private practices or universities, and their main activity is assessment and diagnosis of neurodevelopmental and neurodegenerative disorders, although they also engage in rehabilitation and teaching activities. Due to the lack of written records, there is scarce information regarding the history and current state of neuropsychology in some Latin American countries, including Belize, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. Current barriers to the advancement of the field and future directions to improve the current situation are described.


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