carpentry, Roman

Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Adam

The skilled work of the Roman carpenter (lignarius or tignarius faber) was essential to the construction of domestic and public buildings, creation of machines and structures for military purposes, and overcoming natural features. Composed in the 1st century bce, Vitruvius’s ten-book illustrated commentary on Roman architecture and architectural techniques, De architectura, comprises the primary textual evidence for the architectural techniques employed by Roman carpenters and engineers. In his various books, Vitruvius discusses the characteristics of different types of wood (supplemented by descriptions in Pliny’s Natural History); machines used on work sites, such as hoists and hydraulic machines; and covering frameworks for houses and the larger spans of basilicas and other massive public structures. For the latter, Roman carpenters devised the triangulated truss, a complex construction corroborated by surviving visual evidence. Archaeological evidence fills many gaps in Vitruvius’s coverage of practical carpentry methods and provides the only extant evidence for woodcutting and finishing implements, such as felling axes and handsaws. Houses at Pompeii and Herculaneum preserve traces of key carpentry techniques: timber framing, stairways, and load-bearing ceiling frameworks. The carpenter’s expertise also extended to shipbuilding and construction of strategic wooden bridges, most notably those erected during military campaigns under Caesar and later Trajan.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Harriet Kerr

<p>Greek colonisation in the archaic period encompassed an enormous geographical area. But for all its prevalence, the textual evidence is limited in both quantity and quality and the archaeological evidence goes only some way towards helping decipher social change and ethnicity. These issues become even more apparent when considering the position of women in the new city foundations. Did Greek colonists take their own wives with them to their new homes? Were Greek women sent out at a later date once the colony had become established? Did Greek colonists intermarry with indigenous women on arrival? Or did something else happen, including a mix of these options? The weight of scholarly opinion currently falls in favour of intermarriage, though frequently little evidence is proffered to support this view. This thesis focuses on this hypothesis and examines the evidence (or lack thereof) to support this conclusion.  Chapter One examines the problems associated with archaic Greek colonisation generally, particularly those issues connected with the ‘language of colonisation’. The study of Greek colonisation has been complicated by imprecise and ambiguous terminology, which frequently draws comparison with more modern (although altogether different) instances of the phenomenon. A major repercussion of this is the tendency to overlook both women and any indigenous peoples. The opening chapter also examines the various reasons behind the foundation of colonies, as well as the different types of settlements, so that an assessment can be made as to whether Greek women might have been more likely to accompany colonising expeditions in some instances over others. Chapter Two looks at the concept of intermarriage more closely and assesses Greek attitudes towards foreign women. It also evaluates the evidence typically called upon by scholars to argue for and against intermarriage in Greek colonisation. Chapter Three assesses the evidence for the presence of women in ten different colonies. Presented roughly in chronological order, these colonies were selected for their geographical scope, covering different regions from the Western Mediterranean, Magna Graecia, North Africa, and the Black Sea. This discussion explores both the literary and archaeological evidence (where possible) for each of these colonies and assesses the potential for intermarriage. This thesis demonstrates that broad conclusions about intermarriage as a widespread practice are unsustainable and concludes that colonisation in the archaic period cannot be considered a uniform phenomenon.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Harriet Kerr

<p>Greek colonisation in the archaic period encompassed an enormous geographical area. But for all its prevalence, the textual evidence is limited in both quantity and quality and the archaeological evidence goes only some way towards helping decipher social change and ethnicity. These issues become even more apparent when considering the position of women in the new city foundations. Did Greek colonists take their own wives with them to their new homes? Were Greek women sent out at a later date once the colony had become established? Did Greek colonists intermarry with indigenous women on arrival? Or did something else happen, including a mix of these options? The weight of scholarly opinion currently falls in favour of intermarriage, though frequently little evidence is proffered to support this view. This thesis focuses on this hypothesis and examines the evidence (or lack thereof) to support this conclusion.  Chapter One examines the problems associated with archaic Greek colonisation generally, particularly those issues connected with the ‘language of colonisation’. The study of Greek colonisation has been complicated by imprecise and ambiguous terminology, which frequently draws comparison with more modern (although altogether different) instances of the phenomenon. A major repercussion of this is the tendency to overlook both women and any indigenous peoples. The opening chapter also examines the various reasons behind the foundation of colonies, as well as the different types of settlements, so that an assessment can be made as to whether Greek women might have been more likely to accompany colonising expeditions in some instances over others. Chapter Two looks at the concept of intermarriage more closely and assesses Greek attitudes towards foreign women. It also evaluates the evidence typically called upon by scholars to argue for and against intermarriage in Greek colonisation. Chapter Three assesses the evidence for the presence of women in ten different colonies. Presented roughly in chronological order, these colonies were selected for their geographical scope, covering different regions from the Western Mediterranean, Magna Graecia, North Africa, and the Black Sea. This discussion explores both the literary and archaeological evidence (where possible) for each of these colonies and assesses the potential for intermarriage. This thesis demonstrates that broad conclusions about intermarriage as a widespread practice are unsustainable and concludes that colonisation in the archaic period cannot be considered a uniform phenomenon.</p>


Often bizarre in shape and gaudily coloured, the opisthobranchs of the tropical IndoPacific have always been attractive subjects for the specialist worker and for writers of popular natural history. There is certainly no lack of papers describing their anatomy and systematics (Marcus & Burch (1965) give a fairly full bibliography), but only in those by Risbec (1928 a, b , 1951, 1953) are there descriptions of where or how they live and his statements are brief and rather vague. I collected opisthobranchs so as to record them for the British Solomon Islands for the first time and, whenever possible, I noted their habits and habitats. My observations on gut contents are rather scanty as I did not wish to damage any of the few specimens of each species collected. From an examination of ten different types of reef formation I discovered that opisthobranchs are common in only two places; (1) the crest of a semi-exposed reef where algae occur in pools, and (2) the flat of a sheltered or semi-sheltered reef. At each of these sites several distinct habitats can be distinguished. Unfortunately my recognition of these habitats is not supported by strong numerical evidence as none of the 55 species occurred in large numbers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 742 ◽  
pp. 636-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florentin Pottmeyer ◽  
Markus Muth ◽  
Kay André Weidenmann

An efficient implementation of lightweight design is the use of continuous carbon fiber reinforced plastics (CFRP) due to their outstanding specific mechanical properties. Embedded metal elements, so-called inserts, can be used to join metal-based attachments to structural CFRP parts in the context of multi-material design. They differ from other mechanical fasteners and have distinctive benefits. In particular, drilling of the components to be joined can be avoided and, depending on the preforming, fiber continuity can be maintained using such elements. Thus, no local bearing stress is anticipated. Previous work published by the authors [1] dealt with a systematic research of the influence of different types of stresses on the load bearing capacity of welded inserts. This contribution aims at the investigation of the performance of shape-optimized inserts under the same types of loading to compare with the results of the welded inserts serving as a reference. For that purpose, the respective load bearing capacities were evaluated after preinduced damages from impact tests and thermal cycling. In addition, dynamic high-speed tensile tests (pull-out) were conducted under different loading velocities. It is shown that the load bearing capacities increased up to 19% for high velocities (250 mm/s) in comparison to quasi-static loading conditions (1.5 mm/min) showing an obvious strain rate dependency of the CFRP. Quasi-static residual strength measurements under tensile loading identified the influence of the respective preinduced damages of the insert. Influence of the thermal loading condition was evaluated by placing the specimens in a climate chamber and exposing it to various numbers of temperature cycles from-40 °C to +80 °C with a duration time of 1.5 hours each. Here, it turned out that already 10 temperature cycles decreased the quasi-static load bearing capacity up to 31%. According to DIN EN 6038 the specimens were loaded with different impact energies and the residual strength were measured carrying out pull-out tests. It could be shown that the damage tolerance is significantly lower for the shape-optimized insert due to failure-critical delamination. The optimized insert also endured lower impact energies and the influence on the performance was higher.


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Louis Cellauro

This contribution examines Palladio's relation to Vitruvius with regard to the canonical orders: the Tuscan, Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. Palladio became acquainted with Vitruvius Through his first mentor, Gian Giorgio Trissino, who had founded an academy. in the first book of I quattro libri dell'architettura Palladio repeatedly refers to Vitruvius. However, like most Renaissance architects, Palladio also studied the existing remains of Roman architecture. For him, archaeological evidence had more weight than the written words of Vitruvius. Though Palladio regarded Vitruvius as his "master and guide", he would deviate from Vitruvius' rules when he found the remains of Roman architecture more satisfactory. For Palladio, Vitruvius' rules were not unalterable, they were guidelines which the architect could modify.


Textus ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Izaak J. de Hulster ◽  
Tuukka Kauhanen

Abstract The MT form of the saying of the wise woman in 2 Sam 20:18–19 presents multiple text-critical problems. Instead of “Let them inquire at Abel,” the LXX refers to “Abel and Dan.” The notion of the wise woman being “one of those who are peaceable and faithful in Israel” (NRSV) is grammatically difficult; the LXX reads differently: “what the faithful of Israel had established, had been abandoned.” This article seeks to bring textual criticism into discussion with an archaeological analysis, including a tradition-historical angle on the story, by: 1. Re-examining the textual evidence, with due consideration of the Septuagint; 2. Considering the archaeological findings of Iron Age sites at Tel Abel and Tel Dan; 3. Examining the textual and iconographic implications of the motif “woman on the wall;” and 4. Evaluating the plausibility of the historical settings implied in the story in light of the textual and archaeological evidence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-456
Author(s):  
Feiyu Sun

According to Durkheim, suicide means a conscious choice of death. The only opposite of death is being, and there is no middle ground in between. Therefore, when Durkheim discusses suicide, he certainly touches on the issue of living, or a choice of self-preservation, in a cryptical way, as well. This veiled discussion has been unacknowledged by Chinese mainland sociology because the widely adopted Chinese version of Durkheim’s Suicide loses most of the textual evidence of this clue in its translation. This paper offers a textual analysis of Durkheim’s Suicide based on that textual evidence. Durkheim treats different types of suicide as extreme forms of different types of morals, and, in many places, he asks under what kind of moral condition one can achieve self-preservation. This paper argues that there is an inner connection between Durkheim’s definitions of three types of suicide and his definition of sociology. As a social scientist who studies morality, he sees sociology as the expression of a particular modern morality, the same kind of moral condition that he calls for in his book. This paper shows that for Durkheim, this moral entity signifies for self-preservation both for the modern individual and for sociology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-241
Author(s):  
Erin A Hogg ◽  
John R Welch

Archaeological evidence has been used to assess pre-contact occupation and use of land since the first modern Aboriginal title claim in Canada. Archaeology’s ability to alternately challenge, support, and add substantive spatial and temporal dimensions to oral histories and documentary histories makes it a crucial tool in the resolution of Aboriginal rights and title. This article assesses how archaeological evidence has been considered in Aboriginal rights and title litigation in Canada, both over time and in different types of cases. The examination indicates that archaeological data have been judged to be sufficient evidence of pre-contact occupation and use. However, some limitations inherent in archaeological data, especially challenges in archaeology’s capacities to demonstrate continuous occupation and exclude possibilities for co-occupation, mean that it is best used in conjunction with ethnographies, oral histories, and historical documents. So long as courts affirm that it is the sole material evidence of pre-contact occupation, archaeological data will continue to be considered in future litigation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (6) ◽  
pp. 2457-2471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serge MA Somda ◽  
Eve Leconte ◽  
Jean-Marie Boher ◽  
Bernard Asselain ◽  
Andrew Kramar ◽  
...  

Post-therapeutic surveillance is one important component of cancer care. However, there still is no evidence-based strategies to schedule patients’ follow-up examinations. Our approach is based on the modeling of the probability of the onset of relapse at an early asymptotic or preclinical stage and its transition to a clinical stage. For that we consider a multistate homogeneous Markov model, which includes the natural history of relapse. The model also handles separately the different types of possible relapses. The optimal schedule is provided by the calendar visit that maximizes a utility function. The methodology has been applied to laryngeal cancer. The different follow-up strategies revealed to be more efficient than those proposed by different scientific societies.


1980 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 85-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. R. Maxwell-Hyslop

The lack of stratified examples of Hittite jewellery emphasizes the importance of the evidence afforded by inventories such as the Inventory of Manninni recently published by Dr S. Košak. Although many of the words designating specific pieces of jewellery or goldwork cannot yet be translated, a study of the inventories combined with contemporary archaeological evidence can assist in forming a more detailed assessment of the products of Hittite jewellers and gold workers. It is possible to make some tentative suggestions concerning the identification of different types of jewellery mentioned in the Manninni inventory with reference to excavated pieces, some of which, although originating from sites beyond the area of direct Hittite influence yet can be dated to a period contemporary with or slightly earlier than the Hittite inventories. The Manninni inventory has been assigned to the 13th century B.C. by F. Kammenhuber but in Košak's view it could have been composed at any time during the later Hittite Empire.


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