6. The spread of the Industrial Revolution abroad

Author(s):  
Robert C. Allen

The Industrial Revolution may have ended for Britain in 1867, but it had only just begun elsewhere. ‘The spread of the Industrial Revolution abroad’ charts the different regions’ share of world manufacturing. The second industrial revolution was in Western Europe, whose share of world manufacturing increased from 12 per cent in the 18th century to 28 per cent in 1913. Even more dramatic was the rise of the North American share: from less than 1 per cent in the 18th century to a peak value of 47 per cent in 1953. Other regions experiencing industrial revolutions in the 20th century were the former USSR, East Asia, and China.

Author(s):  
David G. Haglund

Interstate relations among the North American countries have been irenic for so long that the continent is often assumed to have little if anything to contribute to scholarly debates on peaceful change. In good measure, this can be attributed to the way in which discussions of peaceful change often become intertwined with a different kind of inquiry among international relations scholars, one focused upon the origins and denotative characteristics of “pluralistic security communities.” Given that it is generally (though not necessarily accurately) considered that such security communities first arose in Western Europe, it is not difficult to understand why the North American regional-security story so regularly takes an analytical back seat to what is considered to be the far more interesting European one. This article challenges the idea that there is little to learn from the North American experience, inter alia by stressing three leading theoretical clusters within which can be situated the scholarly corpus of works attempting to assess the causes of peaceful change on the continent. Although the primary focus is on the Canada–US relationship, the article includes a brief discussion of where Mexico might be said to fit in the regional-security order.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M. Winkelman

Abstract The ways new games typically develop might be viewed as a continuum ranging from very gradual “evolution” based on mutations introduced to a single progenitor during play or recall, to sudden “intelligent design” based on a purposeful and original combination — or even invention — of ludemes independent of any particular lines of transmission. This paper argues that two proprietary 20th-century games, C.A. Neves’s Fang den Hut! and Lizzie Magie’s The Landlord’s Game, were developed in a different way, a bit outside the typical continuum. It analyzes the games’ general typologies, and specific ludemes, concluding that both games are modern adaptations of traditional Native American games encountered, not through play or even contact with players, but through the seminal ethnographic publications of Stewart Culin. Specifically, Fang den Hut! derives from Boolik via Games of the North American Indians, and The Landlord’s Game derives from Zohn Ahl via Chess and Playing-Cards.


2000 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xueping Ma ◽  
Jed Day

The cyrtospiriferid brachiopod genus Tenticospirifer Tien, 1938, is revised based on restudy of the type species from the Frasnian (Late Devonian) of the Russian Platform. As revised the genus includes cyrtospiriferid species with pyramidal ventral valves, catacline ventral interareas, a narrow delthyrium, few sinal plications, and lack a median dorsal septum and pseudodeltidium. All species retained in the genus are of Givetian and Frasnian age. All Famennian age species described from South China and North America are rejected from the genus. It appears that Tenticospirifer evolved during the early Givetian in western Europe and remained endemic to that region during the remainder of the Givetian. Successive migrations of Tenticospirifer from eastern Laurussia to North America, then to South China and possibly Australia, coincided with middle and late Frasnian eustatic sea level rises, respectively. The North American species Spirifera cyrtinaformis Hall and Whitfield, 1872, and related species identified as Tenticospirifer by North American workers, are reassigned to Conispirifer Lyashenko, 1985. Its immigration to and widespread dispersal in carbonate platforms of western Laurussia, northern Gondwana and tropical island arcs (?) coincided with a major late Frasnian eustatic sea level rise. The new family Conispiriferidae is proposed with Conispirifer Lyashenko, 1985, selected as the type genus. The new family also includes the new genus Pyramidaspirifer with Platyrachella alta Fenton and Fenton, 1924, proposed as the type species. The affinity of the new family remains uncertain pending restudy of key genera currently included in the Superfamily Cyrtospiriferoidea. Available data from the Devonian brachiopod literature indicate that species of Pyramidaspirifer are restricted to late Frasnian deposits of central and western North America.


Geography ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Hayter ◽  
Jerry Patchell

Industrialization broadly refers to the transformation of agrarian-rural societies to industrial-urban societies that are dominated by manufacturing and services. The beginning of this transformation, conventionally referred to as the industrial revolution, is typically traced to the late 18th century in England. Although the term has broader usage, “industry” is often equated with manufacturing, and industrialization specifically with the growth of manufacturing within the so-called factory system that began to proliferate at this time. The new factories featured mechanical power and the employment of specialized, waged labor to operate machines to supply large volumes of standardized goods to markets mediated by the price mechanism. In the UK, and subsequently in many other countries, the onset of industrialization featured the textile, iron and steel, machine tool, and coal industries. More generally, industrialization is seen as part of the Great Transformation that features the rise of market-based forms of exchange and rapid economic growth based on deepening divisions of labor and economic interdependencies across economic sectors. Indeed, industrialization has involved co-evolutionary changes in agriculture, energy, transportation, and service sectors, as well as in manufacturing. Globally, industrialization has been led and dominated by the capitalist or market economies of western Europe, their New World offshoots, and Japan. The Soviet Union, eastern Europe, and China emphasized industrialization within the framework of centrally planned economies during the mid-20th century; but they have since accepted market forces as the principal means of organizing the production and exchange of goods and services. Similarly, the recent rapid economic growth of newly industrializing economies (NIEs), especially in Asia, and the transitional economies of eastern Europe, has been led by the development of internationally competitive manufacturing sectors. Market-led industrialization is remarkably dynamic and both creative and destructive. While generating vast wealth and facilitating massive increases in human population, industrialization features structural crises and has imposed formidable problems of inequality, poverty, social cohesion, and environmental degradation. Indeed, on a global scale industrialized and rich (i.e., powerful) nations became synonymous with each other (along with poor, non-industrial nations). This connection between industrialization, broadly conceived, and economic growth is modified but not disrupted by the idea of post-industrial societies that are dominated by service sector jobs. Thus, these jobs are themselves highly specialized and many linked to goods-producing activities within increasingly globalized value chains. For 250 years industrialization has exerted massive impacts on society and economy that are now often discussed in the context of globalization. Moreover, the challenges of industrial transformation are incessant: leading countries and regions constantly search for new forms of growth, while laggards seek to transform agrarian-rural societies to an urban-industrial base and “catch-up” with the leaders. The generation of wealth needs to address issues of its distribution; and the imperatives of growth and efficiency cannot be divorced from social and environmental concerns. Over time and space these challenges are connected and different.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen H. Haber

After England began what came to be known as the First Industrial Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, industrial technology quickly diffused throughout the nations of the North Atlantic. Within fifty years of the first rumblings of British industrialisation, the factory system had spread to Western Europe and the United States. Latin America, however, lagged behind. It was not until the twentieth century that manufacturing came to lead the economies of Latin America and that agrarian societies were transformed into industrial societies.This article seeks to understand this long lag in Latin American industrialisation through an analysis of the experience of Mexico during the period 1830–1940. The purpose of the paper is to look at the obstacles that prevented self-sustaining industrialisation from taking place in Mexico, as well as to assess the results of the industrialisation that did occur.The basic argument advanced is that two different types of constraints prevailed during different periods of Mexico's industrialisation. During the period from 1830 to 1880 the obstacles to industrialisation were largely external to firms: insecure property rights, low per capita income growth resulting from pre-capitalist agricultural organisation, and the lack of a national market (caused by inefficient transport, banditry and internal tariffs) all served as a brake on Mexico's industrial development. During the period 1880–1910 the obstacles to industrialisation were largely internal to firms. These factors included the inability to realise scale economies, high fixed capital costs and low labour productivity. During the period from 1910 to 1930 these internal constraints combined with new external constraints – including the Revolution of 1910–17, the political uncertainty of the post-revolutionary period and the onset of the Great Depression – which further slowed the rate of industrial growth.


The new economy has seen tremendous strides since its early appearance at the onset of the industrial revolution in the 18th century. For decades, much of the items, including guns, tools, food, clothes, and homes, have been crafted or used from work by animals. This improved in the late 18th century with the introduction of the industrial methods. Industry 1.0's development was then a quick uphill climb leading up to the next manufacturing age – fourth Era. The summary of this evolution will be discussed here. This article takes a theoretical approach to looking at Business 4.0 as the Fourth generation. The study identifies three key elements of each transformation to deepen understanding of the phenomenon: technological, economic and demographic changes. In Business 4.0, Public Use Technology (PUT), Extreme competition and ageing demographics will allow the expansion quicker and broader. Although advances in Business 4.0 are more evaluative than transformative, their mixture and the context in which they develop forecast significant economic and social impacts that will in turn constitute a revolution.


2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-76
Author(s):  
Susanne von Below ◽  
Mathias Bös ◽  
Lance W. Roberts

In the last decade of the 20th century, the self-perception of many continental European nations has shifted dramatically. Terms like diversity, multiculturalism and, last but not least, ethnicity are increasingly used to describe group structures and inequalities in these countries. This is especially surprising in the case of Germany. In sociological folklore, Germany epitomizes a nation which sees itself as an ethnically homogeneous people (among many see Brubaker 1992).


2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-167
Author(s):  
Ana Carolina Maciel Vieira ◽  
Mariana Gonzalez Leandro Novaes ◽  
Juliana Da Silva Matos ◽  
Ana Carolina Gelmini Faria ◽  
Deusana Maria da Costa Machado ◽  
...  

Since the calls "cabinets of curiosities", the essence of natural history was consolidating itself with the birth of the museums and the development of the Museums of Natural History. This consolidation was reached through following activities: expeditions, field trips, collection classification works, catalogues of diffusion of scientific knowledge, educativ activities and expositions. The present paper intends to discuss the importance of the museal institutions for the studies of Paleontology; since the museums of Natural History had exerted a pioneering paper in the institutionalization of certain areas of knowledge, as Palaeontology, Anthropology and Experimental Physiology, in Brazil. The Paleontological studies in museums had collaborated in the specialization and modernization of the appearance of "new museum idea". As this new concept the museum is a space of diffusion of scientific knowledge, represented as an object that reflects the identity of the society without an obligator linking with physical constructions. However, the Brazilian museums have been sufficiently obsolete, with problems that involve acquisition and maintenance of collections to production of temporary or permanent exhibitions. When the Brazilian institutions of natural history are analyzed they are not organized on the new museum conception and the digital age as the North American and European ones. Despite the difficulties found by the Museums since its birth as Institution in the 18th century, the contemporary development of Museology and Palaeontology as Science had contributed for the consolidation and institutionalization of both, helping the diffusion of scientific knowledge.


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