Parties, Platforms, and Political Mobilization: The Zambian Presidential Election of 2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 109 (434) ◽  
pp. 51-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Cheeseman ◽  
M. Hinfelaar
Author(s):  
Rebecca Tarlau

The Epilogue reflects on the future of the MST’s political struggle—and that of the Brazilian left more broadly—in the context of the 2016 ousting of the Workers’ Party (PT) from the federal government and the 2018 presidential election of ultra-right conservative Jair Bolsonaro. Although Bolsonaro’s rise to power is a serious setback for the movement, the core argument of the book still holds: the MST’s thirty-five-year strategic engagement with the Brazilian state significantly expanded its internal capacity, including its organizational structure, resource base, and collective leadership, and the movement is unlikely to disappear in the near future. This long march through the institutions was only possible because activists engaged in contentious political mobilization, while also prefiguring their social and economic vision within a variety of state spheres and under a diversity of political regimes. Even in the new political context, activists will be able to defend many of their institutional gains, helping the movement withstand, if not fully deflect, this far-right resurgence.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike ◽  
Noel Ihebuzor ◽  
Ngozi Onyechi

Social media is becoming increasingly important as a means for social engagement. In Nigeria, Twitter is employed to convey opinion and make commentary on matters ranging from football to politics. Tweets are also used to inform, advocate, recruit and even incite. Previous studies have shown that Twitter could be effective for political mobilization. However, there is dearth of research on how Twitter has been used as a purveyor of neutral and/or hate speech in the Nigerian context. This study examined the nature of tweets in the immediate aftermath of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The authors employed content analysis of 250 purposively selected tweets from the #Igbo hashtag which trended between March 29 and 31, 2015. The tweets were then categorized into five explicit hate and one neutral tweet category respectively. Results revealed the dominance of three hate tweet types: derogatory, mocking and blaming. These findings were then discussed bearing in mind earlier theories on the functionality of tweets and voting patterns from an analysis of the election results.


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Nevy Rusmarina Dewi ◽  
Mufarikhin Mufarikhin ◽  
Dinda Alfiatur Rohmaniah

<p class="07KatakunciKeywords"><span class="06IsiAbstrakChar"><span lang="EN-GB">Democracy in Indonesia has developed rapidly after the reformation, this is evidenced by the improvement in the implementation of the democratic party event. The 2019 election is an election held simultaneously between legislative elections and the presidential election. Each party and party coalition presidential election support hand in hand to try to win the hearts of the people. Community participation is very important for the determination of the votes of both the legislature and the president. Each stakeholder seeks to influence the community by using mobilization efforts. Many of the mobilization strategies in this election were carried out by many parties. This study examines the strategy of political mobilization used in gaining votes in 2019 elections in Indonesia. Qualitative research methods are used to obtain results from research. The results of the study indicate that the strategy of political mobilization in the 2019 Election uses four strategies, namely: political identity, communication media, money politics, and the use of public figures. This strategy is very effective in influencing the masses in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the polarization between the two supporting camps, and the use of communication media, especially social media in the dissemination of information</span></span><span lang="EN-GB">.</span></p>


Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

ThIs chapter examines the early Sweeney years, a remarkable time full of optimism for the AFL-CIO, and for many of America’s working people. Sweeney launched a wide range of reforms, putting an increased emphasis on organizing, political mobilization, and grassroots work, and forging new bonds with unions in other countries. He also introduced unprecedented diversity into the AFL-CIO, appointing more female staffers than ever before, and reaching out to female and minority workers. Sweeney’s efforts secured results; in 1998, for example, union membership increased by 101,000 over the previous year, a notable turnaround. The optimism was still evident at the end of 1999, when the AFL-CIO joined with environmentalists and engaged in mass demonstrations at the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle. Two events – the contested 2000 presidential election and 9/11 – acted as turning points, initiating a domestic climate that was much more hostile to the AFL-CIO.


Author(s):  
Gustavo Bonifaz Moreno ◽  
George Gray Molina

This chapter examines the territorial dynamics behind Bolivia’s constitutional transition of 2006–08 and the political process during that period. Evo Morales’s landslide win in the presidential election of December 2005 set the stage for a protracted constitutional transformation that is still playing out in Bolivia. The chapter first provides a historical background on Bolivian politics marked by constitutional, legal, and policy reform and periods of social unrest, political mobilization, and popular revolt before discussing the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the 2009 general elections. It argues that territorial cleavages played a crucial role in Bolivia’s constitutional transition, which broadened territorial support for the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) from western enclaves to the eastern lowlands over a five-year period. The chapter also identifies two key institutions that secured the broad legitimacy for constitutional reform: an impartial electoral court and a functioning constitutional tribunal.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Harold W. Stanley

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Jae Sik Ha ◽  
Uche Onyebadi ◽  
Dong-Hee Shin

This study examines how two newspapers in South Korea, one conservative and one liberal, covered the U.S. presidential election of 2008. The study found that there was a significant divergence in the emphasis placed on certain types of issues between the two ideologically polarized newspapers. While the liberal Hankyoreh Daily placed more emphasis on social justice issues –such as racial equality and the abolition of social discrimination, the conservative Chosun Daily highlighted “human interest” issues, focusing on more trivial topics such as the candidates’ gender, family, and fashion preferences. There was also a difference in the types of news sources used by the two newspapers. The Hankyoreh Daily sought to represent the voices of the South Korean elite, while The Chosun Daily used American politicians as one of its major source of information. This study argues that a news organization’s ideological orientation is an important factor, which influences South Korean newspapers’ “domestication” of the U.S. election, which was staged in a distant region.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. e0173851 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason J. Jones ◽  
Robert M. Bond ◽  
Eytan Bakshy ◽  
Dean Eckles ◽  
James H. Fowler

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