Territorial Cleavages and the Bolivian Constitutional Transition

Author(s):  
Gustavo Bonifaz Moreno ◽  
George Gray Molina

This chapter examines the territorial dynamics behind Bolivia’s constitutional transition of 2006–08 and the political process during that period. Evo Morales’s landslide win in the presidential election of December 2005 set the stage for a protracted constitutional transformation that is still playing out in Bolivia. The chapter first provides a historical background on Bolivian politics marked by constitutional, legal, and policy reform and periods of social unrest, political mobilization, and popular revolt before discussing the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the 2009 general elections. It argues that territorial cleavages played a crucial role in Bolivia’s constitutional transition, which broadened territorial support for the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) from western enclaves to the eastern lowlands over a five-year period. The chapter also identifies two key institutions that secured the broad legitimacy for constitutional reform: an impartial electoral court and a functioning constitutional tribunal.

Author(s):  
Liubov Prokopenko

The article examines the problem of growing politicization in some religious confessions, primarily Christianity, in the process of democratization that began in Zambia in the early 1990s. Zambia is one of the African countries whose religious leaders have played a prominent role in social life throughout their history. It is especially noted that the proclamation of Zambia a Christian nation in 1991 by President Frederick Chiluba contributed greatly to the strengthening of mutual influence between politics and religion. In modern Zambia religious organizations adhere generally to neutrality, the liberal part of all confessional groups seeing their task in solving primary social problems. In recent decades there have been no pronounced ethnic and religious contradictions in the country which could contribute to an emergence of open bloody conflicts threatening internal security and stability. The article shows that with Edgar Lungu’s (Patriotic Front, PF) coming to power in 2015, Zambia was proclaimed a Christian nation again, which was enshrined in the new edition of its Constitution. The campaigns for presidential elections in 2015 and for general elec-tions in 2016 have shown that “religion-politics” discourse has become relevant in the political process, regarding primarily multiple rela-tionships between religion, ethnicity and politics. The country is on the eve of new general elections due in August 2021. In a difficult economic situation, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemics, Zambian government and Church officials are calling on voters to ensure peaceful electoral process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Nikolay Vladimirovich Grishin

The article examines the methodological possibilities of reinforcement theory in the field of studying the influence of Internet technologies on political behavior. The prospects of the theory of reinforcement are considered in the context of the changing role of Internet technologies in the political process since the beginning of the 2010s and the growing popularity of competing methodological directions, first of all, the theory of mobilization. It is revealed that the rivalry between the theory of reinforcement and the theory of mobilization at the present stage turns into a state of methodological dualism. Reinforcement theory not only retained its significance in the context of the growth of political mobilization in the period of the 2010s, but also received further development: the new concept of selective avoidance supplemented its theoretical apparatus. Reinforcement theory retains its significance for the study of political leadership among Russian youth, the activities of radical youth organizations. One of the factors in preserving the methodological potential of reinforcement theory in the study of the political activism of Russian youth is the practical combination of its principles with the network approach.


2021 ◽  
pp. 243-254
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Constitutional reform was the first task required, in order to relaunch the political process stymied by Goudi. Venizelos with his experience of Cretan constitution making was well equipped to guide the debates, 42 in all, which formulated a new charter. This was grist to his mill. He set out, preserving the fundamental balance between the institutions (Crown and parliament) established in the 1864 constitution, to modernize the political and social systems, enhance justice, fairness and freedoms, and provide more of a role for the state in the economy. The chapter considers in detail the question of land reform, in particular what to do about the large latifundia in Thessaly worked by sharecroppers. Here the solution reached was to provide for expropriation for reasons of public benefit rather than only public necessity, thus opening the way to later land reform. The constitution provided for compulsory free education at the primary level. In sum the new constitution provided a good basis for a renewed political process through a fairer and more modern political system.


Author(s):  
Sheryl M. Kennedy Haydel ◽  
Shearon D. Roberts

In the 2016 general elections, a Stanford University study found that American voters shared fake news stories at extraordinary high levels about the leading candidates, adding up to over 30 million times. While the primary researchers for this study noted that this number does not necessarily mean that fake news was persuasive, it suggests its accessibility, readability, and sharing was pervasive in the last election. This chapter looks at media and politics literacy for the millennial voter of color, who scholars describe as having low-levels of information, and media literacy. The irony is this is a group most in need of news and information for making informed decisions, as they are often first-time voters, now engaging with the political process. The classroom at an HBCU is part textbook and part bringing textbook to life, contextualizing the past and the present, and engaging young minds for making a positive difference in society.


Author(s):  
Yash Ghai ◽  
Jill Cottrell

This chapter examines how the question of territorial cleavage affected constitutional transitions in Kenya by focusing on the work of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC) and the National Constitutional Conference (NCC). More specifically, it explores issues surrounding devolution of power and how they were resolved, along with the actors involved. The chapter first provides a background that led to the move for constitutional reform, placing emphasis on the political “mobilization”—engineered by political parties and interests—behind the debate over the issue of devolution. It then considers the process of constitutional engagement from the late 2000 to early 2004, the CKRC proposals for a new Constitution that was eventually adopted via referendum in August 2010, and the devolution discussion in the NCC. It also analyzes the outcome of the constitutional transition and the lessons that can be learned from the Kenyan experience.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Sheldon Maram

Brazilian specialists have long recognised the importance of the 1960 presidential elections, which set in motion a process that culminated in a 21—year military dictatorship. Only in 1989 did Brazilians witness once again the direct election of a president. Nonetheless, scholarly literature on this event is sparse and often tends toward the ahistorical view that the election of Jânio Quadros in 1960 was part of an inexorable process. Almost entirely ignored are the reasons why Brazil's largest political party, the Partido Social Democrático or PSD, nominated for president a weak candidate, Marshal of the Brazilian Army Henrique Teixeira Lott.1Clearly, Lott himself was not part of a praetorian guard that imposed his candidacy. Indeed, the Marshal was a reluctant candidate, who offered to withdraw in October 1959 in favour of a ‘national unity candidate’.2 In my view Lott's nomination had much more to do with a complex series of manoeuvres carried out by Brazil's president Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–61) than with his own actions. For Kubitschek, the political parties and presidential aspirants in 1960 were merely pawns in his highly personalistic vision of the political process. Constitutionally barred from seeking immediate re—election, Kubitschek initially manoeuvred to induce his party, the PSD, not to run its own presidential candidate. When this effort failed, he displayed, at the very least, ambivalence regarding the fate of the party's candidate.An analysis of Kubitschek's actions and motivations presents methodological challenges to the historian. Historians traditionally rely heavily on written documentation to support their analysis of actions and motivations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 975-982
Author(s):  
Abdul Ghani ◽  
Ghulam Shabir ◽  
Qamar Uddin Zia Ghaznavi

Social Media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, IMO, Twitter and Viber have become famous social interaction forums among all age groups in Pakistan. Social media websites remained the most common platform for the exchange of political ideas and political awareness, consequently influencing political mobilization and bringing change in the political setup of Punjab. This study evaluates the impact of social media on molding the behaviors of voters during the general elections in 2013.The aim was to quantify how social media websites affected political mobilization and altered the Pakistani political setup. The findings are based on a survey conducted amongst the population of Punjab belonging to different age groups, gender, profession, qualification, and localities. Significant correlations were found among different variables i.e. gender, age, profession and locality of the participants. This paper suggests that social media has affected the young population most in Pakistan and helped alter the politicalbehavior of voters.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 289
Author(s):  
Aan Suryatwan

After the new order, general elections (Pemilu) were directly elected by the people in the reform era. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of political dynasties did not just disappear. A ruler with the hand of his power can still do much. Although he is not the one who directly elects public positions, maintaining his power can influence the political process, including local political contestation. In this study using descriptive qualitative through the study of literature with the aim that researchers can explore the potential of President Jokowi's political dynasty. The nomination of Gibran and Bobby presented criticisms of President Jokowi's image, political ethics, and leadership. Political officials born from political dynasties usually do not perform well. That can happen to Gibran and Bobby if elected to political contestation.


Author(s):  
Sheryl M. Kennedy Haydel ◽  
Shearon D. Roberts

In the 2016 general elections, a Stanford University study found that American voters shared fake news stories at extraordinary high levels about the leading candidates, adding up to over 30 million times. While the primary researchers for this study noted that this number does not necessarily mean that fake news was persuasive, it suggests its accessibility, readability, and sharing was pervasive in the last election. This chapter looks at media and politics literacy for the millennial voter of color, who scholars describe as having low-levels of information, and media literacy. The irony is this is a group most in need of news and information for making informed decisions, as they are often first-time voters, now engaging with the political process. The classroom at an HBCU is part textbook and part bringing textbook to life, contextualizing the past and the present, and engaging young minds for making a positive difference in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiandy Mauliansyah

This paper wants to examine how media bias in the political process in Indonesia especially in the context of the presidential election in 2014. The study found that in the present political news about the elections, the mass media over use to the theory of journalism, which is based on the values of fame ( prominency) or public figures (public figure) instead of human values (human interest) and public interest (signifcant). So the media often promote norm "zero-sum" in politics, as a part of the discipline of media coverage on the election. Media stuck to pit two or more presidential candidates by calculating their speed running after quantity of support, regardless of whether the support is achieved by means of political mobilization false or adequate education.Keywords: Bias Political. Balancing Media. Media Coverage


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