Nature of Tweets in the 2015 Nigerian Presidential Elections

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike ◽  
Noel Ihebuzor ◽  
Ngozi Onyechi

Social media is becoming increasingly important as a means for social engagement. In Nigeria, Twitter is employed to convey opinion and make commentary on matters ranging from football to politics. Tweets are also used to inform, advocate, recruit and even incite. Previous studies have shown that Twitter could be effective for political mobilization. However, there is dearth of research on how Twitter has been used as a purveyor of neutral and/or hate speech in the Nigerian context. This study examined the nature of tweets in the immediate aftermath of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The authors employed content analysis of 250 purposively selected tweets from the #Igbo hashtag which trended between March 29 and 31, 2015. The tweets were then categorized into five explicit hate and one neutral tweet category respectively. Results revealed the dominance of three hate tweet types: derogatory, mocking and blaming. These findings were then discussed bearing in mind earlier theories on the functionality of tweets and voting patterns from an analysis of the election results.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630512098445
Author(s):  
Eugenia Mitchelstein ◽  
Mora Matassi ◽  
Pablo J. Boczkowski

In face of public discourses about the negative effects that social media might have on democracy in Latin America, this article provides a qualitative assessment of existing scholarship about the uses, actors, and effects of platforms for democratic life. Our findings suggest that, first, campaigning, collective action, and electronic government are the main political uses of platforms. Second, politicians and office holders, social movements, news producers, and citizens are the main actors who utilize them for political purposes. Third, there are two main positive effects of these platforms for the democratic process—enabling social engagement and information diffusion—and two main negative ones—the presence of disinformation, and the spread of extremism and hate speech. A common denominator across positive and negative effects is that platforms appear to have minimal effects that amplify pre-existing patterns rather than create them de novo.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Indrawati Indrawati

The Form of Persuasion and Milennials Respon in Facebook Social Media inPresidential Election 2019. This research aims to reveal how the persuasion andresponse of millennials on social media Facebook in the 2019 presidentialelection. This research uses methods of qualitative content analysis. The data theauthor takes is data on Facebook social media from February to April 2019. Formof data in the form of sentences that have a persuasion message used by millennialson social media Facebook in the presidential election 2019. The source of thisresearch data observations directly on social media Facebook which thenresearchers Screenshoot. Data analysis is done in several ways, namely: (1)Observation of the sentence upload on Facebook social media, (2) reading andunderstanding sentences that have a persuasion meaning, (3) grouping,identifying, and analyzing existing data, (4) Conclude the results of researchanalysis. Data analysis is done during and after the data is collected. This researchimplements triangulation and data checking to obtain the validity of data. Basedon the research, there are several form of persuasion in uploading sentences ofmillennials in facebook social media in presidential election 2019. Thatpersuasion form are: (1) persuasion form and millennials respond with strongarguments, (2) persuasion form and respond with neutral arguments, (3)persuasion form and millennials respond with weak arguments, (4) persuasionform and millennials respond with peripheral.Key words: persuasion, milenialls, facebook social media AbstrakWujud Persuasi dan Respon Kaum Milenial di Media Sosial Facebook padaPilpres 2019. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengungkapkan bagaimana wujud persuasidan respon kaum milenial di media sosial facebook pada pilpres 2019. Penelitianini menggunakan metode analisis isi kualitatif. Data yang penulis ambil adalahdata yang terdapat di media sosial facebook dari bulan Februari sampai denganApril 2019. Wujud data berupa kalimat yang memiliki pesan persuasi yang dipakaikaum milenial di media sosial facebook pada pilpres 2019. Sumber data penelitianini pengamatan langsung di media sosial facebook yang kemudian penelitiscreenshoot. Analisis data dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, yaitu: (1)pengamatan terhadap unggahan kalimat di media sosial facebook, (2) membacadan memahami kalimat yang memiliki makna persuasi, (3) mengelompokkan,mengidentifikasi, dan menganalisis data yang ada, (4) menyimpulkan hasilanalisis penelitian. Analisis data dilakukan selama dan setelah data terkumpul.Penelitian ini menerapkan triangulasi dan pengecekan data untuk memperolehkeabsahan data. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, ditemukan beberapa wujudpersuasi dalam kalimat unggahan kaum mileniual di media sosial facebook padapilpres 2019. Wujud persuasi tersebut meliputi: (1) Wujud persuasi dan responkaum milenial dengan argumen kuat (strong argumens); (2) Wujud persuasi danrespon kaum milenial dengan argumen netral (neutral argumens);(3) Wujudpersuasi dan respon kaum milenial dengan argumen lemah (weak argumens); dan(4) wujud persuasi dan respon kaum milenial dengan argumen sampingan(peripheral).Kata-kata kunci: persuasi, kaum milenial, media sosial facebook


2021 ◽  
pp. 174276652110399
Author(s):  
Jane O’Boyle ◽  
Carol J Pardun

A manual content analysis compares 6019 Twitter comments from six countries during the 2016 US presidential election. Twitter comments were positive about Trump and negative about Clinton in Russia, the US and also in India and China. In the UK and Brazil, Twitter comments were largely negative about both candidates. Twitter sources for Clinton comments were more frequently from journalists and news companies, and still more negative than positive in tone. Topics on Twitter varied from those in mainstream news media. This foundational study expands communications research on social media, as well as political communications and international distinctions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (02) ◽  
pp. 2040002
Author(s):  
Danielly Sorato ◽  
Fábio B. Goularte ◽  
Renato Fileto

Microblog posts such as tweets frequently contain users’ opinions and thoughts about events, products, people, institutions, etc. However, the usage of social media to prop-agate hate speech is not an uncommon occurrence. Analyzing hateful speech in social media is essential for understanding, fighting and discouraging such actions. We believe that by extracting fragments of text that are semantically similar it is possible to depict recurrent linguistic patterns in certain kinds of discourse. Therefore, we aim to use these patterns to encapsulate frequent statements textually expressed in microblog posts. In this paper, we propose to exploit such linguistic patterns in the context of hate speech. Through a technique that we call SSP (Short Semantic Pattern) mining, we are able to extract sequences of words that share a similar meaning in their word embedding representation. By analyzing the extracted patterns, we reveal some kinds of discourses that are replayed across a dataset, such as racist and sexist statements. Afterwards, we experiment using SSP as features to build classifiers that detect if a tweet contains hate speech (binary classification) and to distinguish between sexist, racist and clean tweets (ternary classification). The SSP instances encountered in tweets containing sexism have shown that a large number of sexist tweets began with the introduction ‘I’m not sexist but’ and ‘Call me sexist but’. Meanwhile, SSP instances found in tweets reproducing racism revealed a prominence of contents against the Islamic religion, associated entities and organizations.


Significance The bill will move to the Senate, where Republicans fear it over-reaches into states’ powers to manage elections. The standoff takes place within the context of the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election, in which Russians interfered via informational techniques and social media. The bill is designed to prevent another such occurrence, but the ability for actors to manipulate election results is more far-reaching than the methods addressed in this bill. Impacts The bill would authorise federal money annually to improve and maintain states’ election systems. Social media firms will face more government and public pressure to prevent foreign election interference via their platforms. Social media firms will find it difficult to police their platforms without increasing editorial control.


Author(s):  
Yuliana Setyaningsih

This study aims to describe the results of the analysis of the conative meanings of Covid-19 hate speech on social media. The data of this study were excerpts from Covid-19 hate speech text on social media in March-May 2020. The data were collected by referring to the note taking technique as the basic technique. Data analysis were performed using the content analysis method. The design analysis method used was the estimated content analysis design. This design utilized all the knowledge researchers have in analyzing data about the conative meaning of Covid-19 hate speech. The results showed that Covid-19's hate speech had the following conative meanings: (1) insulting, (2) criticizing, (3) railing, (4) provoking, (5) harrasing, (6) blasheming, (7) insinuating, and (8) defaming. The results of this study are useful for building critical awareness of the community in the face of hate speech that is constantly present through social media in the community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-572
Author(s):  
Nadine Keller ◽  
Tina Askanius

An increasingly organized culture of hate is flourishing in today’s online spaces, posing a serious challenge for democratic societies. Our study seeks to unravel the workings of online hate on popular social media and assess the practices, potentialities, and limitations of organized counterspeech to stymie the spread of hate online. This article is based on a case study of an organized “troll army” of online hate speech in Germany, Reconquista Germanica, and the counterspeech initiative Reconquista Internet. Conducting a qualitative content analysis, we first unpack the strategies and stated intentions behind organized hate speech and counterspeech groups as articulated in their internal strategic documents. We then explore how and to what extent such strategies take shape in online media practices, focusing on the interplay between users spreading hate and users counterspeaking in the comment sections of German news articles on Facebook. The analysis draws on a multi-dimensional framework for studying social media engagement (Uldam & Kaun, 2019) with a focus on practices and discourses and turns to Mouffe’s (2005) concepts of political antagonism and agonism to operationalize and deepen the discursive dimension. The study shows that the interactions between the two opposing camps are highly moralized, reflecting a post-political antagonistic battle between “good” and “evil” and showing limited signs of the potentials of counterspeech to foster productive agonism. The empirical data indicates that despite the promising intentions of rule-guided counterspeech, the counter efforts identified and scrutinized in this study predominantly fail to adhere to civic and moral standards and thus only spur on the destructive dynamics of digital hate culture.


2019 ◽  
pp. 212-227
Author(s):  
Bradshaw Samantha ◽  
Howard Philip N.

The Internet and social media were originally viewed as democratizing technologies that would lead to a more vibrant digital public sphere. Following the outcomes of the 2016 US Presidential Election and the UK Brexit referendum, however, social media platforms have faced increasing criticism for allowing fake news, disinformation campaigns, and hate speech to spread. But how much bad information was spread? What can be done to address the problem? This chapter examines how social media algorithms and computational propaganda are reshaping public life. The authors explore how modern citizens are especially susceptible to computational propaganda, due not only to the prevalence of disinformation, but also to a political psychology that is often called “elective affinity” or “selective exposure.” The authors use their findings to discuss the responsibilities of both users and platforms for protecting the digital public sphere.


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