scholarly journals Trends in alcohol consumption in relation to cause-specific and all-cause mortality in the United States: a report from the NHANES linked to the US mortality registry

2020 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristian Ricci ◽  
Aletta Elizabeth Schutte ◽  
Rudolph Schutte ◽  
Cornelius Matheus Smuts ◽  
Marlien Pieters

ABSTRACT Background Excessive alcohol use is the third leading cause of mortality in the United States, where alcohol use consistently increased over the last decades. This trend is currently maintained, despite regulatory policies aimed to counteract it. While the increased health risks resulting from alcohol use are evident, some open questions regarding alcohol use and its consequences in the US population remain. Objectives The current work aims to evaluate the relation between alcohol consumption trends over a period of 15 y with all-cause and cause-specific mortality. In addition, we evaluate the adequacy of the current alcohol recommended limits according to the 2015–2020 US Dietary Guidelines for Americans (USDGA). Methods This was a prospective population-based study defined by the NHANES conducted over the period 1999–2014 linked to US mortality registry in 2015. Results The sample, composed of 34,672 participants, was observed for a median period of 7.8 y, totaling 282,855 person-years. In the present sample, 4,303 deaths were observed. Alcohol use increased during the period 1999–2014. Alcohol use above the current US recommendations was associated with increased all-cause and cause-specific mortality risk, ranging from 39% to 126%. A proportion of these deaths, ranging from 19% to 26%, could be theoretically prevented if US citizens followed current guidelines, and 13% of all-cause deaths in men could be avoided if the current US guidelines for women (1 standard drink/d) were applied to them. Conclusions The present study provides evidence in support of limiting alcohol intake in adherence to the USDGA recommendations.

1993 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 983-987 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Carlucci ◽  
Jay Genova ◽  
Fran Rubackin ◽  
Randi Rubackin ◽  
Wesley A. Kayson

The effect of sex, religion, and amount of alcohol consumed on the number of self-reported alcohol-related problem behaviors was examined for 331 students who were approached on three Eastern United States campuses and asked to complete anonymously a questionnaire reporting the number of drinking-related problem behaviors. It was hypothesized that Catholics, men, and people who drank more would report more problem behaviors. A 2 × 3 × 4 factorial analysis of variance with unequal ns showed all three hypotheses were confirmed, but no significant interactions were found. Given the enormity of the problem of alcohol abuse in the United States, further research examining alcohol use and the associated problem behaviors is essential.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (16) ◽  
pp. e2024850118
Author(s):  
Samuel H. Preston ◽  
Yana C. Vierboom

We use three indexes to identify how age-specific mortality rates in the United States compare to those in a composite of five large European countries since 2000. First, we examine the ratio of age-specific death rates in the United States to those in Europe. These show a sharp deterioration in the US position since 2000. Applying European age-specific death rates in 2017 to the US population, we then show that adverse mortality conditions in the United States resulted in 400,700 excess deaths that year. Finally, we show that these excess deaths entailed a loss of 13.0 My of life. In 2017, excess deaths and years of life lost in the United States represent a larger annual loss of life than that associated with the COVID-19 epidemic in 2020.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel M Heacock ◽  
Emily R Capodilupo ◽  
Mark E Czeisler ◽  
Matthew D Weaver ◽  
Charles A Czeisler ◽  
...  

We conducted a retrospective observational study using remote wearable and mobile application data to identify US public holidays associated with significant changes in sleep behaviors, including sleep duration, bedtime and waketime, and the consistency of sleep timing, as well as changes in the point prevalence of alcohol use. These metrics were collected and analyzed from objective, high resolution sleep-wake data and survey responses of 24,250 US subscribers to the wrist-worn biometric device platform, WHOOP (Boston, Massachusetts, USA), who were active users during May 1, 2020 through May 1, 2021. Compared to baseline, statistically significant differences in sleep and alcohol measures were found on the US public holidays and their eves. For example, New Year's Eve corresponded with a sleep consistency decrease of 13.8% (+/- 0.3), a sleep onset of 88.9 minutes (+/- 3.2) later, a sleep offset of 78.1 minutes (+/- 3.1), and more than twice as many participants reported alcohol consumption (138.0% +/- 6.7) compared to baseline. The majority of US public holidays and holiday eves were associated with sample-level increases in sleep duration, decreases in sleep consistency, later sleep onset and offset, and increases in the prevalence of alcohol consumption.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


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