scholarly journals Routine use of feeding jejunostomy in oesophageal cancer resections: results of a survey in England

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
J C Tham ◽  
G Dovell ◽  
R G Berrisford ◽  
M L Humphreys ◽  
T J Wheatley ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Oesophageal Cancer ◽  
Enhanced Recovery ◽  
Progress Report ◽  
Feeding Jejunostomy ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Nutrition Supplementation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Feeding Regimen ◽  
The Uk

SUMMARY Nutrition and post-operative feeding in oesophageal cancer resections for enhanced recovery remain a controversial subject. Feeding jejunostomy tubes (FJT) have been used post-operatively to address the subject but evidence to support its routine use is contentious. There is currently no data on FJT use in England for oesophageal cancer resections. Knowledge regarding current FJT usage, and rationale for its use may provide a snapshot of the trend and current standing on FJT use by resectional units in England. A standardised survey was sent electronically to all oesophageal resectional units in the United Kingdom (UK) between October 2016 and January 2018. In summary, the questionnaire probes into current FJT use, rationale for its usage, consideration of cessation of its use, and rationale of cessation of its use for units not using FJT. The resectional units were identified using the National Oesophago-Gastric Cancer Audit (NOGCA) progress report 2016 and 1 selected resectional unit from Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, respectively. Performance data of those units were collected from the 2017 NOGCA report. Out of 40 units that were eligible, 32 (80.0%) centres responded. The responses show a heterogeneity of FJT use across the resectional centres. Most centres (56.3%) still place FJT routinely with 2 of 18 (11.1%) were considering stopping its routine use. FJT was considered a mandatory adjunct to chemotherapy in 3 (9.4%) centres. FJT was not routinely used in 9 (28.1%) of centres with 5 of 9 (55.6%) reported previous complications and 4 of 9 (44.4%) cited using other forms of nutrition supplementation as factors for discontinuing FJT use. There were 5 (15.6%) centres with divided practice among its consultants. Of those 2 of 5 (40.0%) were considering stopping FJT use, and hence, a total of 4 of 23 (17.4%) of units are now considering stopping routine FJT use. In conclusion, the wider practice of FJT use in the UK remains heterogenous. More research regarding the optimal post-operative feeding regimen needs to be undertaken.

Debates over Irish unification will gain traction

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk

Significance The differing perspectives of unionists and nationalists on the creation of Northern Ireland as a political entity within the United Kingdom, together with Brexit and tensions over the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP), have brought the contentious issue of Irish reunification onto the political agenda in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Impacts Scottish independence would likely increase momentum for a referendum on Irish unity. Successful implementation of the NIP, giving firms access to EU and UK markets, may support arguments for maintaining the status quo. If the UK government abandons the NIP, the adverse trade impact on Northern Irish firms could increase support for unification.

scholarly journals Resolving international border disputes: The Irish experience

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Coakley
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Territorial Dispute ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Third Phase ◽  
The Uk ◽  
International Border

This article explores the value of a specific model of norm replacement in accounting for the circumstances leading to Ireland’s Good Friday agreement (1998), which formally and finally settled the long-running territorial dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK). Drawing on the theoretical literature, it identifies three phases in this process. First, from the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 until the civil unrest in Northern Ireland peaked in 1972 the irredentist norm was substantially unchallenged. It was embedded in the 1937 constitution, which defined the national territory as extending over the whole island of Ireland – including Northern Ireland, a part of the UK. The second phase, from about 1972 to 1998, was one of norm competition. The irredentist norm was severely challenged by new political realities in Northern Ireland, and was potentially destabilising for the state itself. It was increasingly challenged by an alternative ‘consent’ norm, one embracing in effect the geopolitical status quo. The third phase, from 1998 onwards, was one of consolidation of the new norm, now written into the Irish constitution to replace the wording of 1937. The article suggests that this model plays a valuable role in accounting for the changing status of the Irish border, but also that the Irish experience has implications for the broad shape of the model.

scholarly journals Between intergovernmental relations and paradiplomacy: Wales and the Brexit of the regions

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Hunt ◽  
Rachel Minto
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Awareness Raising ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Domestic Level

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.

EU signals flexibility over Northern Ireland protocol

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Legal Action ◽  
Content Type ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Notable Change ◽  
The Uk

Significance However, there has been a notable change in the EU’s tone. In July, the European Commission unexpectedly paused legal action against the United Kingdom for an alleged breach of the NIP, and when London announced on September 6 that it was suspending key elements indefinitely, the EU’s response was muted. Impacts France is so deeply aggrieved over AUKUS that any further UK breaches of the Withdrawal Agreement could prompt a bad-tempered response. The possibility of an early assembly election in Northern Ireland would complicate EU-UK attempts to resolve the NIP issue. The exclusion of high profile, pro-EU politicians in the UK cabinet reshuffle shows how important the Brexit agenda remains for London.

Northern Ireland

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Graham
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Mental Capacity ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Uk

Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom with its own Regional Assembly, but is subject to direct rule from the UK Parliament in Westminster in relation to certain reserved matters. The law relating to mental capacity in Northern Ireland is in a period of change.

scholarly journals ABORTION IN NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS: REFLECTIONS FROM THE UK SUPREME COURT

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 477-494
Author(s):  
Bríd Ní Ghráinne ◽  
Aisling McMahon
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
International Law ◽  
European Convention ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Uk Supreme Court ◽  
The Uk

AbstractOn 7 June 2018, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UKSCt) issued its decision on, inter alia, whether Northern Ireland's near-total abortion ban was compatible with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). This article critically assesses the UKSC's treatment of international law in this case. It argues that the UKSCt was justified in finding that Northern Ireland's ban on abortion in cases of rape, incest, and FFA was a violation of Article 8, but that the majority erred in its assessment of Article 3 ECHR and of the relevance of international law more generally.

scholarly journals The British-Irish Border in the Context of Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Balawajder
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk

The subject of the paper is reflections on the consequences of Brexit for the functioning of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The author explains what this border means when the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union, and thus the border may be a barrier to the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. At the same time, it is stressed that the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have a significant impact on the change of the function of this border, which from then on is no longer an internal border of the Union. The aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the consequences of this change, with a simultaneous indication of different models of the UK’s functioning with relation to the European Union and their impact on the British-Irish relations, especially with regard to the various dimensions of the border as a barrier. The article presents various scenarios of solutions that will determine their mutual relations as a result of negotiations between the European Union and Great Britain, especially with regard to access to the single European market, which in turn will be influenced by the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland in the scope of the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The author used the system analysis method and the comparative method. The author puts forward the thesis that if the negotiations cause a fairly strong loosening of relations between the UK and the European Union, to mitigate the consequences of such a situation for the Irish-British relations, it will be necessary to find and develop bilateral solutions that will facilitate border crossing. The Smart Border 2.0 concept can constitute such a solution.

scholarly journals Inspection Reports in Turkey and United Kingdom: A Comparative Study of Inspections

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet E. Usta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
School Inspection ◽  
National Education ◽  
Direct Training ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Training Activities ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Uk

This study aims to compare the school inspection reports prepared by educational inspectors in Turkey and the United Kingdom. In Turkey, educational inspection is carried out by the Educational Inspectors of the Ministry of National Education. On the other hand, educational inspection in the UK is carried out by Ofsted education inspectors. In both countries, it is compulsory to prepare an inspection report at the conclusion of an inspection, which sheds light on and evaluates the activities carried out at the school. The inspection reports are the subject of this study in terms of both form and content. The qualitative research method was used in the study and a document analysis was carried out. In this context, 10 inspection reports from both Turkey and the United Kingdom each were subjected to the inspection report review. A code was assigned to each inspection report. The reports originating from Turkey that were subjected to review were assigned the code TR, while the reports originating from the United Kingdom that were subjected to review were assigned the code UK. Titles of the inspection reports were determined and sample expressions related to each title were included in the text. As a result, although there are some similarities in the form of inspections, Ofsted reports were judged to be different, especially in terms of participation, evaluation of direct training activities, transparency and participation.

scholarly journals Facilitating Cross-Border Criminal Justice Cooperation Between the UK and Ireland After Brexit: ‘Keeping the Lights On’ to Ensure the Safety of the Common Travel Area

2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097752
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Information Sharing ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Criminal Activity ◽  
Police Cooperation ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk

Much of the cooperation on criminal justice matters between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland is based on EU level instruments. While there has been consideration of the broader impact of Brexit on the Good Friday Agreement and consensus on the need to avoid a return to a hard border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, more detailed consideration has not been given to the effect that Brexit may have on continued criminal justice cooperation across the border. This article highlights the combined risks that Brexit presents for Northern Ireland in the form of increased criminality at a time when the loss of EU police cooperation mechanisms may result in a reduction of operational capacity and the removal of the legal architecture underpinning informal cooperation. Part 1 seeks to highlight the historical context of UK-Irish cooperation in policing matters. Part 2 explores the risk that post Brexit the Irish border may become a focus for criminal activity. The risks relating to increased immigration crime, smuggling of commodities and potential rise in terrorist activities are explored. Part 3 considers how the risks of increased criminal threats are exacerbated by the loss of EU criminal justice cooperation mechanisms and how this will affect UK-Irish cooperation specifically. Consideration is particularly given to the loss of information sharing systems. Part 4 considers how loss of EU level cooperation mechanisms could be mitigated. The viability of bilateral agreements between the UK and Ireland is considered alongside ways which police cooperation can be formalised to compensate for the potential loss of EU criminal justice information sharing systems. Nordic police cooperation is considered as a potential blueprint for the UK and Ireland.

Public opinion attitudes towards the European Union and its future in the United Kingdom. Study based on the results of Eurobarometer surveys in the UK and Poland

2014 ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
Beata Słupek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Main Research ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
British People ◽  
The Eu

The subject of this publication is the scepticism regarding the future of the European Union in the UK. The research is based on Eurobarometer surveys conducted over the period of five years. A purpose of the research is to show the relationship between the results of the Eurobarometer survey on the future of the EU, and the eurosceptic views in the UK. The main research questions is: is the UK sceptical about the future of the EU? Hypothesis of this publication is that the UK is sceptical about the future of the European Union. The reasons for such attitudes are not analysed here – the article is merely an attempt to present the societal attitudes. The research method employed is the comparative critical analysis of quantitative data. The conclusion is that Great Britain is not significantly eurosceptic. British people are, however, less enthusiastic about what is happening at present in the EU, and also are showing greater anxieties when it comes to the future of the EU.

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