scholarly journals ‘Other Spaces’: Constructing the Legal Architecture of a Cold War Commons and the Scientific-Technical Imaginary of Outer Space

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 547-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Craven

Abstract In this article, I seek to develop the argument that the law of outer space, as it was to be developed during the 1960s and 1970s, configured outer space as a ‘commons’ in order to displace two prevailing ‘dystopic’ socio-technical imaginaries that were to be associated with the Cold War. One of these was that outer space might become a place of warfare – and, more specifically, a warfare of annihilatory proportions between the two main protagonists of the Cold War; the other, that it might be the object of ‘primitive accumulation’. Drawing upon the work of Herbert Marcuse, I argue that, whilst the nascent code of outer space visibly sought to repress both of these possibilities, it did so by bringing into play a particular ‘technological rationality’, in which each of these aversions were to reappear as sustaining configurations – as what might be called the rational irrationalities of a Cold War commons.

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Burton

Brainwashing assumed the proportions of a cultural fantasy during the Cold War period. The article examines the various political, scientific and cultural contexts of brainwashing, and proceeds to a consideration of the place of mind control in British spy dramas made for cinema and television in the 1960s and 1970s. Particular attention is given to the films The Mind Benders (1963) and The Ipcress File (1965), and to the television dramas Man in a Suitcase (1967–8), The Prisoner (1967–8) and Callan (1967–81), which gave expression to the anxieties surrounding thought-control. Attention is given to the scientific background to the representations of brainwashing, and the significance of spy scandals, treasons and treacheries as a distinct context to the appearance of brainwashing on British screens.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aryo Makko

Traditionally, Sweden has been portrayed as an active bridge-builder in international politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The country advocated a “third way” toward democratic socialism and greater “justice” in international affairs, but these foreign policy prescriptions were never applied to European affairs. This article examines Sweden's relations with Europe by contrasting European integration with the Cold War. Negotiations on Swedish membership in the European Communities and Swedish policy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe were influenced by a general Berührungsangst toward Europe, which persisted during the years of détente. Because Swedish decision-makers believed that heavy involvement in European affairs would constrict Sweden's freedom of action, Swedish leaders' moral proclamations were applied exclusively to distant Third World countries rather than the egregious abuses of human rights in the Soviet bloc.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-129
Author(s):  
Jason Reid

This article also examines how the decline of teen-oriented room décor expertise reflected significant changes in the way gender and class influenced teen room culture during the tail end of the Cold War. Earlier teen décor strategies were often aimed towards affluent women; by contrast, the child-centric, do-it-yourself approach, as an informal, inexpensive alternative, was better suited to grant boys and working class teens from both sexes a greater role in the room design discourse. This article evaluates how middle-class home décor experts during the early decades of the twentieth century re-envisioned the teen bedroom as a space that was to be designed and maintained almost exclusively by teens rather than parents. However, many of the experts who formulated this advice would eventually become victims of their own success. By the 1960s and 1970s, teens were expected to have near total control over their bedrooms, which, in turn, challenged the validity of top-down forms of expertise.


2019 ◽  
pp. 144-165
Author(s):  
Mary Augusta Brazelton

This chapter investigates the role of mass immunization in Chinese medical diplomacy programs during the 1960s and 1970s. While most scholarship has stressed the influence of barefoot doctor and other paraprofessional training programs in the emergence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a global model for rural health services, mass immunization programs in China had measurable results—in terms of lowered incidence of disease—that helped legitimize these training efforts and the nation's program of rural health care more broadly. Ultimately, the global popularization of Chinese public health was a consequence of regional competition within East Asia. During the Cold War era, the PRC used medical aid to foreign countries to compete for power and influence with the Republic of China on Taiwan, where institutions and personnel that the Nationalist Party brought to the island after 1948 built upon practices established during the period of Japanese colonial rule (1895–1945). The involvement of Taiwan in medical diplomacy reflected the expansionist agendas of its Western allies in the Cold War as well as competition with the PRC for recognition as the legitimate government of mainland China.


Author(s):  
Laurence R. Jurdem

The strain of Black Nationalism that existed within the United Nations also worried conservatives as they monitored the evolution of events in Southern Africa. In their intense desire to rid the world of communism, other issues, such as race, were either marginalized or ignored. The chapter analyzes the three publications’ view of race as it relates to the issue of Rhodesia during the height of the Cold War. In ignoring the suppression of an entire race of people, Human Events and National Review contrasted what they perceived to be a stable, anticommunist, biracial society with the militarism and lawlessness that they argued defined the 1960s and 1970s. While the two conservative publications viewed Rhodesia as a model of biracial success, Commentary focused on the Carter administration’s dismissive attitude about the dangers of Soviet encroachment within the African hemisphere. The Right argued that the Carter White House, in its refusal to endorse Rhodesia’s 1979 parliamentary elections due to a lack of representation of militant nationalist groups, and its belief in the policy of détente, continued to send a message of American weakness and indifference to totalitarianism around the world.


Diálogos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Gabriel Passetti

Em 1978, os governos militares ditatoriais da Argentina e do Chile estavam à beira da guerra por conta do controle sobre três ilhas a leste do canal Beagle. As insatisfações e controvérsias, de ambos os lados, remontavam a tratados quase centenários. O artigo analisa a produção intelectual e os usos da história nas duas décadas antecedentes à “Crise do Beagle”, demonstrando a construção dos pontos de discórdia: o “expansionismo chileno” e a arbitragem internacional e de que forma estes foram aceitos e disseminados entre civis e militares envoltos pelos pensamentos da Guerra Fria. Abstract The construction of a crisis: the uses of history by Argentinean intellectuals and the contest of treaties with Chile in the 1960s and 1970s In 1978, the military dictatorships of Argentina and Chile were close to war. The tension was around the control of three islands east from the Beagle Channel. Insatisfactions and polemics, on both sides, remained to treaties signed one century ago. The paper analyses the intellectual production and the uses of history on the two decades before the “Beagle Crisis”. It presents the construction of the points of conflict: the “Chilean expansionism” and the international arbitrament. It also presents how it was acepted and circulated between civil and the military envolved in the Cold War logics. Resumen La construcción de una crisis: usos de la historia por intelectuales argentinos en la contestación a los tratados con Chile en las decadas de 1960 y 1970 En 1978, los gobiernos de las dictaduras militares de Argentina y Chile se preparaban para la guerra por el contról sobre tres islas a este del canal Beagle. Las insatisfaciones y controversias, de ambos los lados, volvian a tratrados casi centenários. El articulo analisa la producción intelectual y los usos de la história en las dos decadas anteriores a la “Crisis del Beagle”, demonstrando la constucción de los puntos de discórdia: el “expansionismo chileno” y la arbitraje internacional y de que forma estos fueron aceptos y disseminados entre civiles y militares que vivian en los pensamientos de la Guerra Fria.


2019 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Ginevra Sanvitale

This article explores the multifaceted ways in which fear has informed US computer narratives during the Cold War, by analyzing the relationship be­ tween “fear of falling behind” and the medicalization of “computer attitudes”, “computer anxiety” and “computerphobia” (CAAP). The article focuses on the historical unfolding of this medicalization process from the 1960s to the 1980s, drawing upon the parallel developments of debates about computers in education and the formalization of CAAP as a research topic in the Behav­ ioral Sciences. These developments are presented through official reports, conference proceedings, and academic articles of the period. Large computer projects by the US military­industrial complex, such as SAGE or SDI, were justified by narratives of the fearful consequences of falling behind in the Cold War. From the 1960s onwards, resistance to computers was described as an individual “anxiety” or “phobia” in a number of reports and studies. These negative feelings allegedly hindered personal and professional success as well as endangered the future of the country. In this way, the Cold War “fear of falling behind” was translated into a concern which was rooted in the individual sphere. Furthermore, CAAP definitions were informed by Cold War ambitions of building a technologically advanced capitalist society. As a result, the medicalization of CAAP marginalized competing perspectives on computers and their social significance, particularly those originating in the counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s.


Author(s):  
Ken Hollings

 Deleuze and Guattari's ‘perverse artificial societies’ were the random ones thrown up by Paris’s unstable telephone system in the 1960s and 1970s, where crossed lines, misdialed numbers and bad connections created an entire phantom network of voices: ‘a society of unknowns’. Just as the ‘nuclear family’ was seen as a strategic element in the Cold War, dispersed into suburban enclaves of self-contained domestic units, so the ‘network family’ of today, distributed across social media now finds itself being defined as a strategic element in a warring online cyber community: its elusive and fragmented presence regarded as both a threat and a defence position. What this shift reveals is that the nuclear family was not as stable as it seemed and that the networked family is more tightly defined and structured according to what is perceived to exist outside of it. From this perspective it is easier to understand today’s panics over online security and ‘whistle blowers’ against state intervention in private communication, who are frequently presented by the mainstream media as domestically unstable – the chapter ends with a discussion Edward Snowden, Bradley/Chelsea Manning, and Julian Assange, together with the psychosexually aggressive language and imagery of Anonymous.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hubert Zimmermann

This article elucidates a fundamental feature of transatlantic relations during the Cold War: the presence of more than 250,000 U.S. troops in Europe, mainly in West Germany, from 1952 through 1990. The article explains why this unprecedented commitment was extended for such a long time, despite intense domestic debates in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. Opposition to the troop commitment was particularly strong in Congress. The article shows that the long-term stationing of U.S. troops in Europe was more precarious than often assumed. The article also shows that the debates in the 1960s and 1970s were instrumental in establishing the acceptance of long-term military commitments abroad as a feature of U.S. global policy.


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