The Politics of Experimental Translation: Potentialities and Preoccupations

Author(s):  
Lily Robert-Foley

Abstract In this article, I will attempt to sketch out a translation practice that runs counter to conventional ideas about translation, which I theorize as ‘experimental translation’. I will first try, and perhaps fail, to situate a definition of experimental translation, to delimit the borders of what might fall into this category; as we shall see, it is a problematic one. Experimental translation opposes itself to the norms, the doxa of current translation practices. But what norms? Whose translation practice? Situating norms is obviously a fluid and problematic, culturally specific activity. Examining what is opposed to these norms serves to accentuate this. And what are the political implications of this opposition, if there are any? To what extent is translation and, in particular, experimental translation a space where justice is negotiated? Lastly, I will discuss the politics of the translator’s voice. Much attention has historically been given to the politics of the voice of the author, in particular to either debunking its transcendent quality or critiquing the dynamics of whose voice gets heard and whose does not. Translation very often is inflected with political or ethical aims, a desire to right wrongs in the original or to intervene in the landscape of authority and canon formation. What does this imply for the role the translator’s voice plays in experimental translation, in how it appears, or does not? Can experimental translation hope to achieve utopian dreams?

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Herrenschmidt

Dr. D.R. Ambedkar (18911956) was not just a politician of grand stature and from the untouchable caste. He was also a scholar, whose consistent and innovative thinking has hitherto been neglected. Ambedkar's lines of force are presented here, both in relation to his analytical critique of the organic metaphor of the social body as developed in brahmin texts, and of his definition of graduated inequality, a specific Hindu form, for which he developed the psychological as well as the political implications.


Author(s):  
Jeff Frank

This paper makes the case that Stanley Cavell’s thinking on conversion, eveloped in “Normal and Natural” in The Claim of Reason, offers resources that can be used to develop a politics that acknowledges the importance of learning from the voice of skepticism instead of seeking to silence the skeptic through the pursuit of policies and practices that promise a type of certainty that will forever silence skepticism. I develop this case from my position as a teacher educator who knows very well the desire to silence skepticism in the form of finding a way of teaching future teachers so that I/we can be certain that they will be effective and engaging educators after graduation. Giving up the belief that we can achieve certainty when it comes to teacher preparation does not consign us to hopelessness, but it does suggest that teacher educators may have more to learn from listening to the voice of skepticism than is suggested by current discourses in teacher education. Though I write from the position of a teacher educator and my examples are drawn from the work of teacher education, the main goal of this paper is to develop a reading of “Normal and Natural” that may help us appreciate new dimensions of the political implications of Cavell’s work.


Author(s):  
Estelle Bunout

Olgierd Górka was a historian specialized in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe who took actively part in the political debate concerning the place of minorities in Poland. He occupied different roles in the public sphere and appeared to have insistently tried to embody the voice of politically marginalised citizens of Poland. Olgierd Górka argued for a strong link between the Polish state and its citizens as a precondition for their mutual survival. His life exemplifies the discussion around the definition of the people, at the heart of the legitimation of modern nation-states in Central Europe during the 20th century. The debate initiated by Olgierd Górka helps to better understand how the modern Polish state, born from the ashes of three empires, defined Polish citizenship and how it evolved during the upheavals of the interwar and the post-war period.


Author(s):  
Ioannis Tellidis

This chapter examines the relationship between terrorism studies and the practice(s) of counterterrorism, and peace studies and the practice(s) of peacebuilding. The chapter seeks to uncover the political implications of the conceptualizations of both “terrorism” and “peace” in order to evaluate how peace was sought (or not) to be built in terrorist conflicts. A brief chronology of long-established approaches in each field uncovers the basic deficiencies in approaches to these two concepts by both academics and practitioners, resulting in a shared definition of objectives: counterterrorism’s preoccupation with the annihilation of terrorists, and peacebuilding’s anxiety with domination and imposition; as a consequence, both of these fail to provide anything other than a victor’s peace. The emergence of more critical approaches in both fields has begun to rectify those understandings, but more daring epistemological and methodological steps need to be undertaken. The chapter concludes by identifying some of the obstacles and limitations facing these more recent approaches and tries to identify the scope of future research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Indira Acharya Mishra

This article explores feminist voice in selected poems of four Nepali female poets. They are: "Ma Eutā Chyātieko Poshtar" ["I, a Frayed Poster"] by Banira Giri, "Pothī Bāsnu Hudaina" ["A Hen Must not Crow"] by Kunta Sharma,"Ma Strī Arthāt Āimai"["I am a Female or a Woman"] by Seema Aavas and "Tuhāu Tyo Garvalai" ["Abort the Female Foetus"] by Pranika Koyu. In the selected poems they protest patriarchy and subvert patriarchal norms and values that trivialize women. The tone of their poems is sarcastic towards male chauvinism that treats women as a second-class citizen. The poets question and ridicule the restrictive feminine gender roles that limit women's opportunity. To examine the voice of protest against patriarchy in the selected poems, the article takes theoretical support from French feminism, though not limited to it. The finding of the article suggests that Nepali women have used the genre to the political end, as a medium to advocate women's rights.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document