scholarly journals Access and Barriers to Use of Long Term Services: Contextual Issues

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 428-428
Author(s):  
Allen Glicksman ◽  
Lauren Ring ◽  
Norah Keating

Abstract The challenges that some older adults face in accessing both health and social services is a topic of continuing concern. This panel will focus on contextual issues that often shape specific challenges. These contextual issues usually emerge either from issues of diversity among the older persons themselves (for example, minority status or foreign born) and diversity between the ways in which services are offered (usually established at the national or in the case of the United States, at the state level). The intersection of these two forms of diversity often define the specific challenges faced by older persons in accessing health and social services. Further, unexpected events, such as the COVID pandemic, can affect both types of diversity (greater challenges for persons who do not speak the dominant language; inability of services to quickly adapt to radically changed environment). Our panel will address these issues through four presentations, each taking a different look at the ways in which diversity affects access. Our first paper, by Torres, will place this discussion in wider context by presenting results from a scoping review. Our second paper, by Diederich looks at access to services by immigrant generation (that being another source of diversity) in Germany. The third paper, by Thiamwong looks at how the COVID crisis affected older Hispanic women. Finally, Ring will examine how a national policy, here the definition of poverty, affects outcome and access for older person in the United States.

1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Ellis ◽  
Richard Wright

This paper compares characteristics of recent immigrant arrivals in the United States using two measures from the decennial U.S. census: the came-to-stay question and the migration question. We show that a little under 30 percent of immigrants who reported they came to stay between 1985–1990 on the 1990 U.S. Census Public Use Micro Sample were resident in the United States on April 1, 1985. A similar analysis of the 1980 censue reveals that 22 percent of immigrants who reported they came to stay between 1975–1980 lived in the United States on April 1, 1975. Thus among recent arrivals, defined as those who reported they came to stay in the quinquennium preceding the census, a large number were resident in the United States five years before the census date. Furthermore, the proportion of recent arrivals present in the United States five years before the census increased between 1975–1980 and 1985–1990. We show that the profile of recent arrivals is sensitive to their migration status. Generally, in both the 1975–1980 and 1985–1990 cohorts, those resident in the United States five years before the census have significantly less schooling and lower incomes than those who were abroad. Accordingly, we argue that estimates of the skill levels and hourly wages of recent arrivals to the United States vary with the way arrival is measured. Researchers who rely on Public Use samples of the U.S. census for their data should be aware that the year of entry question implies a broader definition of arrival than the migration question. We caution that immigration researchers should consider the idea of arrival more carefully to help distinguish newcomers from the resident foreign born.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (13) ◽  
pp. 1777-1802 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter R. Elson ◽  
Jean-Marc Fontan ◽  
Sylvain Lefèvre ◽  
James Stauch

From a Canadian perspective, this article provides a comparative historical and contemporary overview of foundations in Canada, in relation to the United States and Germany. For the purposes of this analysis, the study was limited to public or private foundations in Canada, as defined by the Income Tax Act. As the Canadian foundation milieu straddles the welfare partnership model that characterizes German civil society and the Anglo-Saxon model of the United States, Canadian foundations as a whole have much in common with the foundation sector in both countries. Similarities include the number of foundations per capita, a similar range in size and influence, a comparable diversity of foundation types, and an explosion in the number of foundations in recent decades (although the United States has a much longer history of large foundations making high-impact interventions). This analysis also highlights some key differences among larger foundations in the three jurisdictions: German foundations are generally more apt to have a change-orientation and are more vigorous in their disbursement of income and assets. U.S. foundations are more likely to play a welfare-replacement role in lieu of inaction by the state. Canadian foundations play a complementary role, particularly in the areas of education and research, health, and social services. At the same time, there is a segment of Canadian foundations that are fostering innovation, social and policy change, and are embarking on meaningful partnerships and acts of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
Blessing Enekwe

As a child of immigrants, I have always been interested in issues facing the foreign-born, particularly to the United States. Being exposed to immigrants from around the world helped me understand the different factors that motivated my parents' migration to the United States while realizing that others throughout the world were also heavily impacted by ineffectual home governments. As I delved into political attitudes, international relations, and public policy, my attention continued to turn back to the ways in which policies and attitudes in the United States affect the lives of immigrants. Identifying aspects of social policy that enhance immigrant life in the United States became central to my research interests.


Author(s):  
Frances Bernat

In the context of crime, victimization, and immigration in the United States, research shows that people are afraid of immigrants because they think immigrants are a threat to their safety and engage in many violent and property crimes. However, quantitative research has consistently shown that being foreign born is negatively associated with crime overall and is not significantly associated with committing either violent or property crime. If an undocumented immigrant is arrested for a criminal offense, it tends to be for a misdemeanor. Researchers suggest that undocumented immigrants may be less likely to engage in serious criminal offending behavior because they seek to earn money and not to draw attention to themselves. Additionally, immigrants who have access to social services are less likely to engage in crime than those who live in communities where such access is not available. Some emerging research has shown that communities with concentrated immigrant populations have less crime because these communities become revitalized. In regard to victimization, foreign-born victims of crime may not report their victimization because of fears that they will experience negative consequences if they contact the police or seek to avoid legal mechanisms to resolve disputes. Recently, concern about immigration and victimization has turned to refugees who are at risk of harm from traffickers, who warehouse them, threaten them, and abuse them physically with impunity. More research is needed on the relationship among immigration, offending, and victimization. The United States and other nations that focus on border security may be misplacing their efforts during global crises that result in forced migrations. Poverty and war, among other social conditions that would encourage a person to leave their homeland in search of a better life, should be addressed by governments when enforcing immigration laws and policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam J. Laugesen ◽  
George France

AbstractIntegration in health care is a key goal of health reform in United States and England. Yet past efforts in the 1990s to better integrate the delivery system were of limited success. Building on work by Bevan and Janus on delivery integration, this article explores integration through the lens of economic theories of integration. Firms generally integrate to increase efficiency through economies of scale, to improve their market power, and resolve the transaction costs involved with multiple external suppliers. Using the United States and England as laboratories, we apply concepts of economic integration to understand why integration does or does not occur in health care, and whether expectations of integrating different kinds of providers (hospital, primary care) and health and social services are realistic. Current enthusiasm for a more integrated health care system expands the scope of integration to include social services in England, but retains the focus on health care in the United States. We find mixed applicability of economic theories of integration. Economies of scale have not played a significant role in stimulating integration in both countries. Managerial incentives for monopoly or oligopoly may be more compelling in the United States, since hospitals seek higher prices and more leverage over payers. In both countries the concept of transaction costs could explain the success of new payment and budgeting methods, since health care integration ultimately requires resolving transaction costs across different delivery organizations.


1987 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Sprague Zones ◽  
Carroll L. Estes ◽  
Elizabeth A. Binney*

ABSTRACTThose 85 years of age and older are the fastest growing subpopulation in the United States. Because they represent a very small proportion of the population (just 1% in 1980), the oldest old have not been studied until recently. Much of the interest in this group is related to their growth (over 50% per decade in the past 50 years) coupled with their disproportionate use of public resources, particularly health and social services. Women are strikingly overrepresented among the oldest old, with a gender ratio of approximately 44 males for every 100 females age 85 and older.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ari Voutilainen ◽  
Paula R. Sherwood

To some extent, the spatial differences in brain cancer mortality rate appear to arise from the difference in the mortality betweenethnic groups. In the United States (US), for example, brain cancer mortality rate is higher among White Non-Hispanic thanother groups. The US brain cancer mortality data (age-adjusted and pooled over 2007-2011) were gathered from the State CancerProfiles web site. The brain cancer mortality rates were associated with the geographic distribution of different ancestral andethnic groups at the state-level by applying three different statistical analyses to find out the most evident spatial patterns. Thegeographic distribution of the brain cancer mortality was related to the proportion of foreign-born Black and White in the USpopulation so that the mortality rate was high in the states were the proportion of foreign-born was low and vice versa. The onlyancestries which increased the mortality among White Non-Hispanic in the US population were from a relatively restricted area inEurope including Germany, Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Belgium, and the Nordic countries except for Iceland.This study gave reasons for the discussion about the possible existence of population-level genetic susceptibilities to the braincancer and/or higher risk of mortality. Brain cancer mortality in general as well as the present results apply mainly to gliomas.


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