Human Rights: Politics and Practice

Author(s):  
Michael Goodhart

Human Rights: Politics and Practice provides an introduction to human rights. Combining political science, philosophy, law, and policy-making, the text provides a broad range of perspectives on the theoretical and practical issues in this constantly evolving field. In addition to in-depth theoretical content, the text also features coverage of human rights issues in practice, with a wide range of case studies to explore concrete examples from around the world. The third edition has been brought fully up-to-date with the most recent events and latest research developments in the area. Two new chapters have been added: one on religion and human rights, and one on sexual orientation and gender issues and human rights, introducing students to these important topics and expanding the theoretical and practical discussion of issues of universalism and relativism. The new edition also features a range of carefully developed pedagogical features to aid learning, encourage critical analysis, and challenge students to question their own assumptions.

Author(s):  
Inam Ullah Wattoo ◽  
Yasir Farooq

This study presents a critical analysis on the charter of human rights of United Nations, as it was design to promote peace and justice in the world but unfortunately it was not come in true. So the concepts and impacts of human rights presented by UN will be examine in the light of Seerah, and to find out the reasons which caused its failure. It is historical observation that fundamental human rights are very essential for justice and peace in the world. All the peoples have equal rights in all respects. No one is allowed to disregard the rights of others on the basis of race, color and religion. Holy Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) founded the state of Yathrab and first time in the history declared the fundamental rights of human and vanished the differences based on race, color and gender. Rights for slaves, war prisoners and women were not only defined but were implemented by legal procedure in very short time. In 1948 United Nation declared a charter for human rights which proclaimed that inherent dignity and equal rights are the foundation of freedom, justice and peace of the world. This charter consist on 30 articles regarding individual and common rights of human. This charter of UN guaranteed the security of all fundamental rights of all human being. Although there are number of articles which caused uneasiness among the people of different religions such as article No. 19. Freedom of opinion and express must be observed but it should must be keep in mind that some irresponsible elements of different societies are using this for their criminal purposes as cartoon contest on Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) by Geert wilders of Holland in recent days caused huge disturbance for world peace. Whereas, the Prophet of Islām ordered the Muslim to respect the clergy of other religions even He (PBUH) halted the Muslims to abuse the idols.


Author(s):  
M. Joel Voss

The human rights of LGBTI persons are being contested across the world—both within states and across regions. Despite decades of incremental change, in many states, LGBTI activists are beginning to rapidly advance their normative agendas, particularly in the context of protection against violence and discrimination. However, consistent backlash and opposition to LGBTI advocacy remains. Notwithstanding decades of silence on LGBTI rights, international institutions are also beginning to rapidly include sexual orientation and gender identity in their work as well. Institutions that consist primarily of independent experts and that focus on narrower human rights issues have been especially active in including sexual orientation and gender identity in their work, either formally or informally. At the same time, largely political institutions have generally lagged behind their counterparts. Scholarship on both sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) advocacy and contestation have also lagged behind political and legal developments at international institutions. Although a few works exist, particularly on the UN Human Rights Council, there are numerous other institutions that have been understudied. Further, research on the implementation of international SOGI policies has also been largely absent. SOGI advocacy and contestation continues across nearly every major international institution. Research agendas, either qualitative or quantitative are sorely needed to help better predict and explain the advancement or retreat of SOGI in international institutions and within domestic contexts.


2018 ◽  
pp. 165-175
Author(s):  
Puja Mitra

Transgender people are discriminated based on their gender identity, especially, in the societies of South Asian countries. The legal recognition of this ‘third sex’ had to wait long in countries like India, Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh. The human rights of these people are being violated in every sector although having been recognized as ‘citizens’ by their respective governments. Many countries have already started to let them get involved in different social and economic activities. In 2013, the Bangladesh government declared the status of the third gender to the transgender people of its territory. This recognition was aimed to protect all the human rights of the third gender enabling them to identify their gender as ‘Hijra’ in all government documents and passport. Section 27 of the Constitution of Bangladesh states that ‘All the citizens are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of law’. But the legal protection of the human rights of the newly recognized third gender is questionable till now. The Prevention of Oppression against Women and Children Act, 2000 describes the rights of only women and children. In Bangladesh, the transgender people are becoming rape victims everywhere but unlike women and children, their rape cases never get filed as the police officers do not even believe that anyone can rape these third genders. This social taboo and negligence are costing the sexual minorities their human rights like legal protection. Therefore, it has become important to address this issue to create social awareness which might induce the urgency to practice equal laws for every gender identity. In this paper, a critical analysis of the human rights of Bangladeshi transgendered people has been performed. Finally, the human rights condition of transgender people of Nepal and India is also discussed.


Author(s):  
Emily Van Buskirk

This chapter undertakes a treatment of the rhetoric of personal pronouns in Ginzburg's writings on love and sexuality, drawing on Michael Lucey's study of the first person in twentieth-century French literature about love. It brings together questions of genre and narrative, on the one hand, and gender and sexuality, on the other. The chapter is divided into two sections, treating writings from two different periods on two kinds of love Ginzburg thought typical of intellectuals: in “First Love,” it discusses the unrequited and tragic love depicted in Ginzburg's teenage diaries (1920–23); in “Second Love,” it analyzes the love that is realized but in the end equally tragic, depicted in drafts related to Home and the World (1930s). The chapter examines the models the author sought in literary, psychological, and philosophical texts (Weininger, Kraft-Ebbing, Blok, Shklovsky, Oleinikov, Hemingway, and Proust).


Author(s):  
Signithia Fordham

The third chapter follows the ethnographical narrative of one of the girls of the study, Nadine. Specifically, it examines the role of language in class and racialized intra-/inter gender issues between and among the Black, White and biracial study participants and their unending quest for status and normalcy. This is done by chronicling how a Black girl’s physical response to being called two of the vilest racial and gender terms—the n-word and the b-word—in the same sentence lead immediately to a 5-day suspension, while the White girl who uttered the words was deemed blameless in the conflict.


Author(s):  
Christine (Cricket) Keating ◽  
Cynthia Burack

This chapter examines the issue of the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer people (LGBTI). In recent years, LGBTI groups have used the language and frameworks of human rights to organize against state, civil society, religious, and interpersonal violence and discrimination. The broadening of the human rights framework to address issues of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) has been an important development in both the human rights and the LGBTI movements. The chapter begins with a discussion of SOGI rights as human rights, focusing on questions such as the central human rights issues for LGBTI people; how these groups have organized to address these challenges through a human rights framework; and the challenges faced by LGBTI human rights advocates and what successes they have had. It also considers critiques of SOGI human rights activism and concludes with a case study of Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Bill.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Women have made significant inroads into politics in recent years, but in many parts of the world, their increased engagement has spurred attacks, intimidation, and harassment intended to deter their participation. This book provides the first comprehensive account of this phenomenon, exploring how women came to give these experiences a name—violence against women in politics—and lobby for its increased recognition by citizens, states, and international organizations. Drawing on research in multiple disciplines, the volume resolves lingering ambiguities regarding its contours by arguing that violence against women in politics is not simply a gendered extension of existing definitions of political violence privileging physical aggressions against rivals. Rather, it is a distinct phenomenon involving a broad range of harms to attack and undermine women as political actors. Incorporating a wide range of country examples, the book illustrates what this violence looks like in practice, catalogues emerging solutions around the world, and considers how to document this phenomenon more effectively. Highlighting its implications for democracy, human rights, and gender equality, the volume concludes that tackling violence against women in politics requires ongoing dialogue and collaboration to ensure women’s equal rights to participate—freely and safely—in political life around the globe.


Author(s):  
Vasant Kaiwar

Ranajit Guha is one of the best-known and most innovative historians of modern India. The bulk of his best-known work was published between 1981 and 2002. The main historiographical issues that appear in his work include (a) the colonial appropriation of the Indian past and its representation as a “highly interesting portion of British history,” which together with the force of colonial conquest added up in Guha’s terminology to a colonial expropriation of Indian history; (b) the complicity of all branches of colonialist knowledge in the fact or force of conquest; (c) British rule in India as a “dominance without hegemony,” in which the moment of coercion outweighed the moment of persuasion by contrast with western Europe; (d) an Indian historiography of India that attempts to redress the expropriation of Indian history and make “the Indian people, constituted as a nation, the subject of their own history”; (e) a subaltern historiography that identifies the limitations of the mainstream Indian historiography of India and the need to pay attention to the “neglected dimension of subaltern autonomy in action, consciousness and culture,” the “contribution made by the people on their own”; and (f) a historiography that goes beyond “statism” to the everyday being-in-the-world of ordinary people, countering the pretensions of the “prose of world-history” with the “prose of the world.” These issues recur in various forms and combinations in Guha’s books and essays, notably the ones he contributed to Subaltern Studies, an edited series that he launched in 1982. The theoretical influences on Guha’s work are not limited to Marxism and its many offshoots. Guha used the concept of “subaltern” to signify anyone in India who did not belong to the “elite” and therefore included peasants, workers, impoverished landlords, and others whose behavior exhibited a combination of defiance and deference to the elite. It has many points of contact with Gramsci’s work. Guha drew freely on the philosophy of Hegel and Heidegger, Bengali literature, notably the works of Rabindranath Tagore, not to mention semiotics, linguistics, structuralism, and poststructuralism, the objective being not theoretical monism or purity but the mobilization of a wide range of references to shed light on history’s dark corners. The eclectic richness, if not elusiveness, of the concept of “subaltern” and Guha’s deployment of it in various forms to speak to caste, class, and gender issues has perhaps inspired its wider diffusion for rethinking the history of popular consciousness and mobilization in fields as far apart as Asian, African, and Latin American history.


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