scholarly journals Neighborhood Disparities in the Availability, Advertising, Promotion, and Youth Appeal of Little Cigars and Cigarillos, United States, 2015

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 2170-2177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Y Kong ◽  
Tara L Queen ◽  
Shelley D Golden ◽  
Kurt M Ribisl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Study ◽  
Lower Income ◽  
Point Of Sale ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
The Face ◽  
Marketing Data ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Racial Ethnic

Abstract Introduction Between 2012 and 2016, sales of cigars increased by 29% in the United States. In small local studies, greater little cigar and cigarillo (LCC) availability and marketing has been documented in neighborhoods with a greater proportion of Hispanic or Latino and black residents, and near schools. This national study of cigarette retailers assesses whether LCC availability and marketing at the point of sale is associated with neighborhood racial, ethnic, income, and percent youth demographics. Methods In 2015, we collected LCC availability and marketing data through retailer audits of a nationally representative sample of 2128 cigarette retailers. Using 2011–2015 American Community Survey census tract estimates, we modeled associations of neighborhood demographics (in quartiles) with availability of LCC-flavored products, and presence of exterior advertisements, youth marketing, and promotions. Results Nearly 90% of retailers sold LCCs, 83.0% sold flavored LCCs, and 30.9% had youth marketing. Controlling for retailer type and other neighborhood characteristics, neighborhoods with the highest proportion of black residents had significantly higher odds of flavored LCC availability (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.24, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.52, 3.30); exterior advertisements (AOR = 2.84, 95% CI = 1.94, 4.16); price promotions (AOR = 1.62; 95% CI = 1.07–2.45), and youth appeal (AOR = 1.49, 95% CI 1.08–2.08) compared to the lowest. Disparities in flavored LCC availability, exterior advertising, and youth appeal were also present for lower income neighborhoods. Conclusion Neighborhoods with a greater proportion of black or lower income residents have greater flavored LCCs availability and LCC marketing. Without stronger LCC regulation, residents of these neighborhoods may be at a greater risk of LCC use. Implications LCCs are harmful combustible tobacco products that are less regulated than cigarettes (eg, lower taxation, cheaper outlay due to small package sizes, availability of flavors), which makes them an affordable and appealing product to youth. This study documents greater availability, advertising, and marketing of LCCs in neighborhoods with a higher proportion of black or lower-income residents, potentially putting these populations at a greater risk of using or switching to these products in the face of increasing cigarette regulations. These findings underscore the need for local, state, and federal LCC regulatory action.

THE 2017 WOMEN'S MARCH: A NATIONAL STUDY OF SOLIDARITY EVENTS*

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kraig Beyerlein ◽  
Peter Ryan ◽  
Aliyah Abu-Hazeem ◽  
Amity Pauley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Study ◽  
Univariate Statistics ◽  
March On Washington ◽  
Nationally Representative

On January 21, 2017, over four hundred cities across the United States organized sister marches in solidarity with the Women's March on Washington. In this paper, we first compare the size of these marches to that of several significant protest-event sources to show how extraordinary turnout was that day. Then, analyzing a nationally representative sample of sister marches, we present univariate statistics for both event-level characteristics (such as demographics of participants or types of speakers) and mobilization processes (such as composition of organizing teams or recruitment efforts). We situate the descriptive findings in the broader literature on protest events and the women's movement to identify how they converge or diverge from established patterns. In addition, our study shows that many event-level characteristics of the sister marches were distinct relative to a recent national study of protests. Also discussed are the ways in which our results contribute to understanding the sister marches' success in mobilizing millions of people to take to the streets.

Racism: A Public Health Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-515
Author(s):  
Katie L. Acosta
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
General Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Systemic Racism ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Infected People ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Bear Witness

The impact of COVID–19 on racially minoritized communities in the United States has forced us all to look square in the face of the systemic racism that is embedded in every fabric of our society. As the number of infected people continues to rise, the racial disparities are glaringly obvious. Black and Latinx communities have been hit considerably harder by this pandemic. Both racial/ethnic groups have seen rates of infection well above their percentage in the general population and African Americans have seen rates of death from COVID–19 as high as twice their percentage in the general population. These numbers bear witness to the high cost of racism in the United States.

scholarly journals Differential Association of HIV Funding With HIV Mortality by Race/Ethnicity, United States, 1999-2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 149S-157S
Author(s):  
Benedict I. Truman ◽  
Ramal Moonesinghe ◽  
Yolanda T. Brown ◽  
Man-Huei Chang ◽  
Jonathan H. Mermin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Rate Of Change ◽  
Fiscal Year ◽  
Death Rates ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Hiv Funding ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Hispanic White

Objective Federal funds have been spent to reduce the disproportionate effects of HIV/AIDS on racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States. We investigated the association between federal domestic HIV funding and age-adjusted HIV death rates by race/ethnicity in the United States during 1999-2017. Methods We analyzed HIV funding data from the Kaiser Family Foundation by federal fiscal year (FFY) and US age-adjusted death rates (AADRs) by race/ethnicity (Hispanic, non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, and Asian/Pacific Islander and American Indian/Alaska Native [API+AI/AN]) from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention WONDER detailed mortality files. We fit joinpoint regression models to estimate the annual percentage change (APC), average APC, and changes in AADRs per billion US dollars in HIV funding, with 95% confidence intervals (CIs). For 19 data points, the number of joinpoints ranged from 0 to 4 on the basis of rules set by the program or by the user. A Monte Carlo permutation test indicated significant ( P < .05) changes at joinpoints, and 2-sided t tests indicated significant APCs in AADRs. Results Domestic HIV funding increased from $10.7 billion in FFY 1999 to $26.3 billion in FFY 2017, but AADRs decreased at different rates for each racial/ethnic group. The average rate of change in AADR per US billion dollars was −9.4% (95% CI, −10.9% to −7.8%) for Hispanic residents, −7.8% (95% CI, −9.0% to −6.6%) for non-Hispanic black residents, −6.7% (95% CI, −9.3% to −4.0%) for non-Hispanic white residents, and −5.2% (95% CI, −7.8% to −2.5%) for non-Hispanic API+AI/AN residents. Conclusions Increased domestic HIV funding was associated with faster decreases in age-adjusted HIV death rates for Hispanic and non-Hispanic black residents than for residents in other racial/ethnic groups. Increasing US HIV funding could be associated with decreasing future racial/ethnic disparities in the rate of HIV-related deaths.

scholarly journals COVID-19 Vaccine Acceptability and Inequity in the United States: Results from a nationally representative survey

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin Gibson ◽  
Smisha Agarwal ◽  
Ankita Meghani ◽  
Rupali J. Limaye ◽  
Alain Labrique
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Influenza Vaccine ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
The United States ◽  
Demographic Characteristics ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Sample Population ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Racial Ethnic

AbstractBackgroundAt the time of this survey, September 1st, there were roughly 6 million COVID-19 cases and 176,771 deaths in the United States and no federally approved vaccine. The objective of this study was to explore the willingness to accept a COVID-19 vaccine in the United States and describe variability in this acceptability by key racial, ethnic and socio-demographic characteristics.MethodsThis was a cross-sectional digital survey that sampled participants from a nationally-representative panel maintained by a third party, Dynata. Dynata randomly sampled their database and emailed web-based surveys to United States residents ensuring the sample was matched to US Census estimates for age, race, gender, income, and Census region. Participants were asked how willing or unwilling they would be to: 1) receive a COVID-19 vaccine as soon as it was made publicly available, and 2) receive the influenza vaccine for the upcoming influenza season. Participants could respond with extremely willing, willing, unwilling, or extremely unwilling. For those who reported being unwilling to receive a COVID-19 vaccine, reasons for this hesitancy were captured. All participants were asked about where they obtain vaccine-related information, and which sources they trust most. Univariable and multivariable logistic regressions were conducted to examine the association of all demographic characteristics with willingness to receive COVID-19 vaccine.FindingsFrom September 1st to September 7, 2020, 1592 respondents completed the online survey. Overall, weighted analyses found that only 58.9% of the sample population were either willing or extremely willing to receive a COVID-19 vaccine as soon as it was made publicly available. In comparison, 67.7% of the respondents were willing or extremely willing to take the influenza vaccine. By gender, 66.1% of males and 51.5% of females were willing to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. Males were significantly more willing to receive a COVID-19 vaccine (adjusted odds ratio (OR)=1.98, 95% CI: 1.56, 2.53; p<0.001) than females. Blacks were the least willing racial/ethnic group (48.8%) Blacks, (aOR=0.59, 95%CI: 0.43, 0.80; p<0.001) were significantly less willing, than whites, to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. There were numerous reasons provided for being unwilling to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. The most common reason was concern about the vaccine’s safety (36.9%), followed by concerns over its efficacy (19.1%).InterpretationIn conclusion, we found that a substantial proportion (41%) of United States residents are unwilling to receive a COVID-19 vaccine as soon as one is made publicly available. We found that vaccine acceptance differs by sub-populations. In addition to sub-group differences in willingness to receive the vaccine, respondents provided a variety of reasons for being unwilling to receive the vaccine, driven by various sources of vaccine information (and misinformation). This compounds the challenge of delivering a safe and efficacious COVID-19 vaccine at a population level to achieve herd immunity. A multi-pronged and targeted communications and outreach effort is likely needed to achieve a high level of immunization coverage.

scholarly journals Multidimensional economic deprivation during the coronavirus pandemic: Early evidence from the United States

PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (12) ◽  
pp. e0244130
Author(s):  
Shatakshee Dhongde
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Lower Income ◽  
Economic Deprivation ◽  
Full Data ◽  
Financial Condition ◽  
Early Evidence ◽  
Multidimensional Deprivation ◽  
Economic Shock ◽  
Racial Ethnic

The coronavirus pandemic led to a severe economic shock in the United States. This paper uses a unique survey data collected early on in the pandemic to measure economic deprivation among individuals. The Federal Reserve Board fielded a Survey of Household Economics and Decision-making (SHED) in April 2020. This survey is used to compile data on four indicators of economic deprivation, namely: i) Overall financial condition, ii) Loss of employment, iii) Reduction in income and iv) Inability to pay bills in full. Data on these indicators is compiled for each individual and is used in a novel way to construct a set of multidimensional deprivation indices. These indices measure the overlap of deprivations experienced by an individual. Results show that almost 25 percent of the respondents faced hardships in at least two of the four indicators. More than 13 percent of adults reported their inability to pay monthly bills and struggled to make ends meet financially. One in four respondents had lower income compared to income from previous month. The economic shock affected Hispanics in a more profound way. More than 37 percent Hispanics reported hardship in two or more indicators and 8 percent reported hardship in all four indicators. Higher proportion of young adults and those without a college degree suffered multiple hardships. The paper highlights the plight of Americans during the early months of the economic crisis set in motion amid the coronavirus pandemic and sheds light on how economic disparities deepened along racial/ethnic lines.

Verán ustedes las chozas más humildes. El discurso de pobreza en la diplomacia pública cardenista dirigida a Estados Unidos

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The New Deal

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.

1488-P: Closing the Racial/Ethnic Disparity Gap in Kidney Failure from Diabetes in the United States, 2000-2016

Diabetes ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 1488-P
Author(s):  
NILKA RIOS BURROWS ◽  
YAN ZHANG ◽  
ISRAEL A. HORA ◽  
MEDA E. PAVKOV ◽  
GIUSEPPINA IMPERATORE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Kidney Failure ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ethnic Disparity ◽  
Racial Ethnic

The New Economic Populism and the Future of Inequality in the United States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Income Disparities ◽  
The Face ◽  
Over Time

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document