Congo Wars

Author(s):  
Harry Verhoeven

Following the global upsurge in conflict in the late 1980s and early 1990s, no confrontation turned out to be more devastating than the Great African War, which led to mass excess mortality with estimates ranging between 2.7 million and 5.4 million people dead in the 1998–2007 period. Unlike the First World War, with which it is often compared because of the multitude of states which battled each other on Congolese territory, Africa’s Great War cannot be defined by unambiguous start and end dates. The violence since the 1990s is perhaps more usefully thought of in analogy with Europe’s Thirty Years’ War in the 17th century or, as some historians argue, the cataclysmic conflict centered on Eurasia that encompassed both World Wars, separated only by a failing truce between 1919 and 1937. With not only alliances changing regularly in the Great African War but also a whole cast of participants joining and leaving the battlefield and the frontlines gradually blurring to the point of becoming virtually indefinable, many scholars prefer using “Congo Wars” to refer to a series of regularly interlinked but sometimes also clearly distinct conflicts—local, national, regional—waged on the territory of what was formerly known as Zaire and now as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Thus, while a narrow definition separates out a “First Congo War” (beginning in September or October 1996 [once again, depending on one’s definition!] and ending on 17 May 1997) from the “Second Congo War” (the Great African War “proper,” from 2 August 1998 to 17 December 2002), other perspectives date the start of the conflict(s) back to the Rwandan genocide and argue that the Congo Wars, in parts of the territory like North and South Kivu and Ituri, are still ongoing. This bibliography takes a relatively expansive view of the conflagration, focusing publications analyzing the central events between 1996 and 2002, but acknowledging the impressive body of scholarship that not only scrutinizes the consequences of six years of catastrophic violence but also traces ongoing localized and/or transnational conflict in the DRC. At the time of writing (summer 2019), some optimism is taking hold after the peaceful (if controversial) handover of presidential power by Joseph Kabila to Felix Tshisekedi in January 2019 following elections in December 2018; violent confrontations among militias and between rebel groups, the MONUC/MONUSCO UN force, and the state still occur regularly, but not since 2013 have insurgents (i.e., the M23 rebellion) credibly threatened to take over an entire province, let alone seek to oust the president in Kinshasa: progress by Congolese standards. Although foreign actors still meddle in Congo’s politics, they do not do so as overtly and probably also not as profusely and effectively in the 2000s. The task will fall to historians a generation from now to assess whether the Congo Wars really have been coming to an end, twenty-five years after they began raging, or whether the current moment merely turned out to be a relatively peaceful interlude separating one set of violent outbursts from another.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Downing

This article considers the making of the BBC2 series, The Great War, and examines issues around the treatment and presentation of the First World War on television, the reception of the series in 1964 and its impact on the making of television history over the last fifty years. The Great War combined archive film with interviews from front-line soldiers, nurses and war workers, giving a totally new feel to the depiction of history on television. Many aspects of The Great War were controversial and raised intense debate at the time and have continued to do so ever since.


2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 641-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOBIAS HARPER

AbstractThe importance of the honours system as an institution in British politics and public life has frequently been underestimated. At the end of the First World War, the British government prioritized voluntary service to the state as an area which the honours system should reward more than others through the newly created Order of the British Empire. However, after the war the Order changed to focus more on civil servants, soldiers, and the broad category of ‘local service’. The latter could include volunteers, but more often did not. Various attempts to democratize honours through reforms from the 1960s focused on rewarding a wider range of service. The most successful of these was John Major's honours reform programme in 1993, which returned volunteer service to the forefront of the public image of honours. While these reforms were not as egalitarian as they seemed, they were successful because they integrated an ideology of crown honours with the other functions of the modern monarchy and opened up the honours system to a wider potential set of recipients. At the same time, they maintained a hierarchical structure that meant that elites who had traditionally enjoyed the exclusivity of high honours continued to do so.


2016 ◽  
pp. 139-157
Author(s):  
Svetlana Mircov

Books and periodicals published during the First World War are expressive witnesses of heroism and suffering of our people, of the patriotism and the vitality, of the victims and the superhuman efforts in fighting for freedom. Publications dedicated to the small Serbian nation, whose heroism was admired not only by friends but also by foes, were published in Serbian language, as well as in major world languages across Europe, North and South America and Africa. The data on books and periodicals published in Corfu, Thessaloniki and in Bizerte were collected, written materials bibliographically described and systematized and will soon be published in a book under the title Publikacije objavljene tokom Prvog svetskog rata na Krfu, u Solunu i Bizerti: bibliografija (Publications published during the World War I in Corfu, Thessaloniki and in Bizerte: a bibliography). In this article the author of the bibliography presents the results of the research that resulted in a detailed list of over 300 monographs and 16 periodicals. In addition of the bibliographic corpus, the book contains an extensive preface, introductory bibliographic notes and indexes, which provide a comprehensive insight into our government, military, political, cultural and educational activities in the Great War.


Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin

On the basis of various materials, we describe the process of pogroming landlord estates in the Tambov Governorate in the first months of 1918, the role of front-line soldiers in this process. The collapse of the army, the withdrawal of Russia from the First World War, the weakening and collapse of the old state, the unresolved agrarian issue, pushed the peasants to solve the problem of land shortages by force. The agrarian riots of 1917, often instigated by deserters, were a very serious problem for the Provisional Government. In addition, the very phenomenon of the revolution, partly provoked by the lack of land, war and poor living conditions for servicemen, forced them to resort to violent actions. The events in the Tambov village in the first months of 1918 were a continuation of the next stage of the agrarian revolution, which began in 1917. Another surge in the pogrom movement was associated with the massive return from the front of soldiers called up from the ranks of the peasants. The “democratic organs” of the province, which remained in the leadership of the region until March 1918, tried to resist the pogroms, but did not have the strength to do so. The Bolsheviks who came to power in early 1918 could not resolutely suppress the pogroms, for they had to rely on former soldiers as allies in the struggle for Soviet power in the countryside.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-341
Author(s):  
Paolo Pieraccini

Abstract At the beginning of the twentieth century, some Palestinian and Lebanese Salesians, influenced by the Arab Renaissance movement, began to claim the right to oppose the ‘directorships’ of the institutes of the Don Bosco Society in Bethlehem and the surrounding area. They also began to request better recognition of their native language, in schools and within the religious community. They clashed with their superiors who, in the meantime, had signed an agreement with the Salesian government in Rome, committing them to developing the Italian language in their teaching institutes. The struggle became particularly fierce after the Holy See rebuked the Palestinian religious congregations for teaching the catechism and explaining the Sunday Gospel to people in a foreign language and urged them to do so in Arabic. The clash caused a serious disturbance within the Salesian community. Finally, after the First World War, the most turbulent Arab religious were removed from the Society of Don Bosco. All converged in the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, where they continued forcefully (but in vain) to put forward their national demands. This article is based on several unpublished sources.


1978 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-78
Author(s):  
Wayne Westergard-Thorpe

Although identified above all with the French Confédération Général du Travail prior to the First World War, revolutionary syndicalism had become an international movement by 1914, when various labour organizations in Europe, North and South America, and Australasia espoused its doctrines or the kindred doctrines of industrial unionism. The desire to establish durable international bonds between these revolutionary organizations had grown steadily, especially in Europe, where by 1912 organized syndicalist bodies existed in France, Holland, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Britain, Belgium, Spain and Italy. The congress held in London in the autumn of 1913 represented the first effort to create a vehicle of syndicalist internationalism. But the congress and the debate surrounding it demonstrated not only that syndicalists were not in accord on international tactics, nor on national tactics, but also that the deepest cleavage on the question of international strategy was that dividing the CGT from most syndicalist organizations in other countries.


Author(s):  
Mark Sheehan ◽  
Martyn Davison

This article examines the extent to which young people in New Zealand share the dominant beliefs and assumptions that inform contemporary notions of war remembrance concerning the First World War. In particular, it considers how they make meaning of the ANZAC/Gallipoli narrative. Informed by two empirical studies, it questions whether young people uncritically accept the dominant cultural memory messages about the First World War that shape commemorative activities or whether they share a wider range of perspectives on war remembrance. While the purpose of commemorative activities is to convey particular memory messages about appropriate ways to remember the First World War, young people are not passive in this process. Although they typically do not demonstrate a firm grasp of all the relevant historical details about the First World War, when given the opportunity to do so they appear to be engaging critically with the production of cultural memory messages about war remembrance.


2009 ◽  
pp. 261-282
Author(s):  
John Armstrong

This chapter is a study of the rise and decline of the British coastal shipping trade between 1870 and 1914. It separates the period into three segments: the prosperous 1870-1914; the immediate impact of the First World War 1914-1918; and the stagnation of 1918-1930. It examines both the short and long-term causes of decline, and concludes that the decline and stagnation of the coastal fleet was due to a combination of factors, both avoidable and inevitable. Crucially, though the coastal shipping continued to innovate during this period it did not do so quickly enough to rescue the industry.


Author(s):  
Rolf Harald Stensland

AbstractThis article documents the connection between Germany’s raw sulphur requirements and the way in which Norwegian pyrite deposits at Björkaasen in Northern Norway were managed by its owner in Berlin, von Friedländer-Fuld. During the early phase of the war Björkaasen was unprepared for production, but by greatly increasing its labour force it was possible to gear the mines up for exports during the course of the war. The British blockade prevented exports to Germany. Using the railway from Narvik it was possible to export pyrites to Sweden to cover the requirements of the Swedish sulphite cellulose industry. Swedish interests wanted to acquire Björkaasen, but without German partownership, while German majority ownership and corresponding German control of production were Friedländer-Fuld’s basic goals. After Friedländer-Fuld’s death in the summer of 1917 Björkaasen was sold in line with Swedish wishes. The Swedish buyers wanted to re-sell Björkaasen but were unable to do so in a wartime economy that was on the wane.


1974 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 710-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Neuburger ◽  
Houston H. Stokes

Almost without exception interpretations of the remarkable growth of the German economy before the First World War stress the role of the German banking system, in general, and that of the universal or Kreditbank, in particular. The most subtle and penetrating view of this question is that developed in Alexander Gerschenkron's essays, “Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective” and “Prerequisites of Modern Industrialization.” According to this view, “backward” countries which experience successful industrializations do so by making institutional “substitutions” which enable them to compensate for or even to turn to their advantage their initial deficiencies of productive factors. The institution which is “substituted” in Germany to perform this function is the Kreditbank. This interpretation places special emphasis on the growth-inducing character of these banks, but is also open to the possibility that an industrialization led by such institutions might have entailed certain costs. In fact, Professor Gerschenkron explicitly invites help in assessing these costs in commenting: “it would be a fruitful undertaking in research to explore and perhaps to measure and compare the difficulties, the strains, and the cost which were involved in the various processes of substitution ….” Thanks to the work of Ekkehard Eistert, who has constructed a reliable set of statistics on the German banking system in this era, it is now possible to attempt such a “fruitful undertaking.” Making use of these data, an econometric model has been constructed to test the hypothesis that the manner in which the Kreditbanken allocated credit contributed to the growth of German non-agricultural output. Our findings strongly suggest that the credit allocation policy of these banks was inhibiting rather than stimulating the German economy in the period for which data are available and that previous interpretations are in need of serious revision. It appears that, in Gerschenkron's terms, the “cost” of bank-led industrialization was far greater than anyone has previously suggested.


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