scholarly journals Catholic Missionaries of the ‘Holy Land’ and the Nahda

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-341
Author(s):  
Paolo Pieraccini

Abstract At the beginning of the twentieth century, some Palestinian and Lebanese Salesians, influenced by the Arab Renaissance movement, began to claim the right to oppose the ‘directorships’ of the institutes of the Don Bosco Society in Bethlehem and the surrounding area. They also began to request better recognition of their native language, in schools and within the religious community. They clashed with their superiors who, in the meantime, had signed an agreement with the Salesian government in Rome, committing them to developing the Italian language in their teaching institutes. The struggle became particularly fierce after the Holy See rebuked the Palestinian religious congregations for teaching the catechism and explaining the Sunday Gospel to people in a foreign language and urged them to do so in Arabic. The clash caused a serious disturbance within the Salesian community. Finally, after the First World War, the most turbulent Arab religious were removed from the Society of Don Bosco. All converged in the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, where they continued forcefully (but in vain) to put forward their national demands. This article is based on several unpublished sources.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Downing

This article considers the making of the BBC2 series, The Great War, and examines issues around the treatment and presentation of the First World War on television, the reception of the series in 1964 and its impact on the making of television history over the last fifty years. The Great War combined archive film with interviews from front-line soldiers, nurses and war workers, giving a totally new feel to the depiction of history on television. Many aspects of The Great War were controversial and raised intense debate at the time and have continued to do so ever since.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Oliver Brown

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

De Heilige Stoel, d.w.z. het hoogste bestuurslichaam van de Rooms-Katholieke Kerk, toonde tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in ruime mate begrip voor de verzuchtingen van de Vlaamse beweging. In de ogen van ‘Rome’ waren die verzuchtingen terecht: op grond van hun miskenning in het verleden, verdienden de Vlamingen, na de afloop van de oorlog, een tegemoetkomende houding vanwege de burgerlijke en kerkelijke overheid. Dat de katholieke aartsbisschop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) die tegemoetkoming radicaal bleef afwijzen, stuitte in Rome nauwelijks op begrip. En dat de kardinaal-aartsbisschop zich daarenboven steeds meer profileerde als het symbool van het verzet tegen de Duitse bezetter versterkte het ongenoegen bij sommige leden van de Romeinse Curie.De Heilige Stoel mocht dan wel oordelen dat de Vlaamse Kwestie na de oorlog moest worden beslecht, zolang die oorlog woedde, wenste men een pragmatisch standpunt in te nemen: de bezetting was beslist een kwaad, maar daarom diende men nog niet op te roepen tot een burgeroorlog.__________ Roma locuta, causa finita? The Holy See, that is to say, the highest administrative body of the Roman Catholic Church, demonstrated a broad understanding for the aspirations of the Flemish Movement during the First World War. In the eyes of ‘Rome’ these aspirations were just: on account of the poor treatment that they had received in the past, the Flemings deserved an accommodating attitude from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities after the end of the war. The fact that Catholic archbishop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) remained radically opposed to this accommodation was met with bewilderment in Rome. What’s more, the fact that the Cardinal-Archbishop also began to present himself more and more as the symbol of resistance to the German occupier strengthened the displeasure among some members of the Roman Curia.The Holy See could certainly proclaim that the Flemish Question needed to be settled after the war; so long as the war raged they wanted to take a pragmatic point of view: the occupation was certainly wicked, but still, one did not have to call for a civil war on its account.


Author(s):  
Harry Verhoeven

Following the global upsurge in conflict in the late 1980s and early 1990s, no confrontation turned out to be more devastating than the Great African War, which led to mass excess mortality with estimates ranging between 2.7 million and 5.4 million people dead in the 1998–2007 period. Unlike the First World War, with which it is often compared because of the multitude of states which battled each other on Congolese territory, Africa’s Great War cannot be defined by unambiguous start and end dates. The violence since the 1990s is perhaps more usefully thought of in analogy with Europe’s Thirty Years’ War in the 17th century or, as some historians argue, the cataclysmic conflict centered on Eurasia that encompassed both World Wars, separated only by a failing truce between 1919 and 1937. With not only alliances changing regularly in the Great African War but also a whole cast of participants joining and leaving the battlefield and the frontlines gradually blurring to the point of becoming virtually indefinable, many scholars prefer using “Congo Wars” to refer to a series of regularly interlinked but sometimes also clearly distinct conflicts—local, national, regional—waged on the territory of what was formerly known as Zaire and now as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Thus, while a narrow definition separates out a “First Congo War” (beginning in September or October 1996 [once again, depending on one’s definition!] and ending on 17 May 1997) from the “Second Congo War” (the Great African War “proper,” from 2 August 1998 to 17 December 2002), other perspectives date the start of the conflict(s) back to the Rwandan genocide and argue that the Congo Wars, in parts of the territory like North and South Kivu and Ituri, are still ongoing. This bibliography takes a relatively expansive view of the conflagration, focusing publications analyzing the central events between 1996 and 2002, but acknowledging the impressive body of scholarship that not only scrutinizes the consequences of six years of catastrophic violence but also traces ongoing localized and/or transnational conflict in the DRC. At the time of writing (summer 2019), some optimism is taking hold after the peaceful (if controversial) handover of presidential power by Joseph Kabila to Felix Tshisekedi in January 2019 following elections in December 2018; violent confrontations among militias and between rebel groups, the MONUC/MONUSCO UN force, and the state still occur regularly, but not since 2013 have insurgents (i.e., the M23 rebellion) credibly threatened to take over an entire province, let alone seek to oust the president in Kinshasa: progress by Congolese standards. Although foreign actors still meddle in Congo’s politics, they do not do so as overtly and probably also not as profusely and effectively in the 2000s. The task will fall to historians a generation from now to assess whether the Congo Wars really have been coming to an end, twenty-five years after they began raging, or whether the current moment merely turned out to be a relatively peaceful interlude separating one set of violent outbursts from another.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (165) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Lili Zách

AbstractOffering new insights into Irish links with the wider world, this article explores and contextualises Irish nationalist perceptions of and links with central European small states in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. The belief that any small nation like Ireland, oppressed by a dominant neighbour, had the right to self-determination was of key importance in nationalist political rhetoric during the revolutionary years. Given the similarity of circumstances among newly independent small states, Irish commentators were aware of the struggles Ireland shared with the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Personal encounters on the continent, as well as news regarding small nations in central Europe, shaped Irish opinions of the region. Certainly, the images presented by Irish commentators reflected their own political agendas and were therefore often deliberately idealistic. Nonetheless, they served a specific purpose as they were meant to further Ireland's interest on the international stage. Looking beyond Ireland for lessons and examples to follow became a frequent part of Irish nationalist political rhetoric. By directing scholarly attention to a hitherto less explored aspect of Irish historiography, this article aims to highlight the complexity of Ireland's connection with the continent within the framework of small nations, from a transnational perspective.


2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 641-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOBIAS HARPER

AbstractThe importance of the honours system as an institution in British politics and public life has frequently been underestimated. At the end of the First World War, the British government prioritized voluntary service to the state as an area which the honours system should reward more than others through the newly created Order of the British Empire. However, after the war the Order changed to focus more on civil servants, soldiers, and the broad category of ‘local service’. The latter could include volunteers, but more often did not. Various attempts to democratize honours through reforms from the 1960s focused on rewarding a wider range of service. The most successful of these was John Major's honours reform programme in 1993, which returned volunteer service to the forefront of the public image of honours. While these reforms were not as egalitarian as they seemed, they were successful because they integrated an ideology of crown honours with the other functions of the modern monarchy and opened up the honours system to a wider potential set of recipients. At the same time, they maintained a hierarchical structure that meant that elites who had traditionally enjoyed the exclusivity of high honours continued to do so.


1975 ◽  
Vol 15 (166) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Béat de Fischer

A half century has gone by since 1927. During that time, the sovereign Order of Malta has sought to adapt itself to the evolution of international life and international law. Its experience during the First World War, in which it brought aid to the wounded, the sick, the prisoners and the refugees with its medical units, ambulances, trains, aircraft and ships, enabled it to make its working methods responsive to emerging needs. In addition, the mid-century dialogue between the Order and the Catholic Church led to the acceptance of a formula put forward by the Cardinals' Commission, whereby the Holy See recognized the functional sovereignty of the Order in carrying out its international humanitarian activities. Finally, the increasing number of its members, particularly those recruited from amongst those distinguished personalities who combine a spiritual life with an intimate association with governmental circles, provides the order with an invaluable human reserve of men of thought and action who are available in case of need.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW SCHEIN

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151
Author(s):  
Jo Tollebeek ◽  
Germa Greving

In de zomer van 1912 werd met veel enthousiasme de honderdste geboortedag van Hendrik Conscience gevierd. Het eeuwfeest, dat vooral in Antwerpen veel publiek trok, illustreerde hoezeer ook nog aan de vooravond van de Eerste Wereldoorlog dergelijke herinneringsfeesten werden gekenmerkt door een ouder, romantisch idioom. In een traditionele, negentiendeeeuwse praalstoet en een door Emmanuel De Bom opgezette tentoonstelling werd de geschiedenis tot iets heiligs gemaakt, iets dat blijvende trouw afdwong. Maar tegelijk kreeg het eeuwfeest ook een actuele betekenis en werd Conscience niet alleen een erflater, maar ook een opdrachtgever. Tijdens twee ‘plechtige feestzittingen’ presenteerden René De Clercq en Pol De Mont Conscience als vader, die op gepaste wijze moest worden herdacht. Maar zij benadrukten ook dat het Woord van de schrijver tot Daden moest leiden. Dat maakte van het eeuwfeest van 1912 meer dan een romantisch herinneringsfeest: het ging ook om een politieke manifestatie, met een strijdbaar karakter en eigentijdse eisen (‘onze Vlaamsche Hoogeschool’). Dit sloot niet uit dat ernaar werd gestreefd de herinnering aan Conscience te musealiseren. De blik op de verdere Vlaamse ontvoogding vereiste blijkbaar ook een terugblik. Daarmee werden verleden en heden wederzijds op elkaar betrokken.________The splendour of the past, the right to the present. About Conscience’s centenary celebration. The 100th anniversary of the birth of Hendrik Conscience was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the summer of 1912. The centenary celebration, which drew a lot of public in Antwerp in particular, illustrated to which extent such memorial celebrations were characterised by an older, romantic idiom even on the eve of the First World War. A traditional nineteenth century pageant and an exhibition created by Emmanuel De Bom turned history into something holy, that enforced enduring loyalty. At the same time, however, the centenary celebration also acquired a present-day significance and thus Conscience became not only a testator but also an initiator. During two ‘formal festive sessions’ René De Clercq and Pol De Mont presented Conscience as the father who deserved to be remembered in a fitting manner. However, they also emphasized that the Words of the author needed to be translated into Actions. This meant that the 1912 century celebration was more than a romantic commemoration: it was also a political manifestation that was militant in nature and with contemporary demands. (‘Our Flemish University’). This did not exclude that it was attempted to musealize the memory of Conscience. The prospect of a continued Flemish emancipation apparently also required retrospection. Thus the past and the present were interlinked.


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