Atrocities

2021 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Steven Casey

For the first two years of the war, the government was extremely reluctant to release information about the atrocities being committed by the Japanese. Officials warned returning civilian internees not to speak to the press about the conditions they had faced as Japanese prisoners. The Office of Censorship applauded the media’s restraint in covering the execution of American airmen captured after the Doolittle raid. And even when Ed Dyess escaped from the Philippines with details about the Bataan death march, senior officials prevented his story from being told. The Chicago Tribune, which paid Dyess $21,000, lobbied hard for a policy change, to no avail. Only after Dyess’s tragic death in a plane crash at the end of 1943, followed by a threat to have a friendly legislator read his story into the Congressional Record, did the government finally lift the veil on this dimension of the Pacific War.

Author(s):  
Steven Casey

From Pearl Harbor to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a group of highly courageous correspondents covered America’s war against Japan. Based on a wealth of previously untapped primary sources, War Beat, Pacific provides the first comprehensive account of what these reporters witnessed, what they were allowed to publish, and how their reports shaped the home front’s perception of some of the most pivotal battles in American history. In a dramatic and fast-paced narrative, the book takes us from MacArthur’s doomed defense on the Philippines and the navy’s overly strict censorship policy at the time of Midway through the bloody battles on Guadalcanal, New Guinea, Tarawa, Saipan, Leyte and Luzon, Iwo Jima and Okinawa, detailing the cooperation, as well as conflict, between the media and the military as they grappled with the enduring problem of limiting a free press during a period of extreme crisis. At the heart of this book are the brave, sometimes tragic stories of reporters like Clark Lee and Vern Haugland of the Associated Press, Byron Darnton and Tillman Durdin of the New York Times, Stanley Johnston and Al Noderer of the Chicago Tribune, George Weller of the Chicago Daily News, Keith Wheeler of the Chicago Times, and Robert Sherrod of Time magazine. Twenty-three correspondents died while reporting on the Pacific War. Many more sustained serious wounds. War Beat, Pacific shows how both the casualties and the survivors deserve to be remembered as America’s golden generation of journalists.


Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-145
Author(s):  
John Lee Candelaria

This article analyzes the visual depiction of women in the Tribune, the main propaganda newspaper of Japan in the Philippines during the Pacific War. Japanese wartime propaganda painted an image of a productive and cooperative Filipina, respectable and modest like her Japanese counterpart. The analysis reveals three motivations for depicting women in said light: to show a semblance of normalcy despite the turbulent war, to entice women to serve Japan’s aims, and to disprove the Japanese women’s image as subservient wives or entertainers while asserting the connection between the two countries. Analyzing the depiction of women in Japanese propaganda contributes to the understanding of war as a gendered phenomenon. Beyond seeing women as symbols of the private obligations for which men fight or as surrogate objects of sexual desire, the image of women was perceived to be instrumental in showcasing Japan’s New Order.


1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Grant K. Goodman

During the period of American colonial rule in the Philippines prior to the Pacific War, the attitude of most thoughtful Filipinos toward Japan seemed to waver as though tantalized between fear and fascination. For while there was often a genuine concern, principally as a result of Japanese-American tensions, that a predatory Japan was literally counting the moments to an invasion and conquest of the Islands, there was also the tremendous admiration of one Asian people for another and an almost awe-struck eagerness to emulate the startling successes of Japan in achieving modern nationhood in its fullest sense. To this generalization Manuel Luis Quezon (1878–1944) was no exception.


1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-400

The ANZUS Council held its second meeting in Washington, D.C., on September 9 and 10, 1953. While the first meeting of the Council had been devoted largely to organizational matters, the second meeting provided an opportunity for the foreign ministers of Australia, New Zealand and the United States to review the developments of the past year and to discuss common problems in the Pacific area. Prior to the opening of the meeting, there had been speculation in the press about the possibility of providing some form of associate membership in ANZUS for other countries — particularly the United Kingdom – and other international organizations. The United Kingdom was reportedly dissatisfied with its exclusion from the organization; Prime Minister Churchill had been quoted as telling the House of Commons on June 17 that he “did not like the Anzus Pact at all” and that he hoped that “perhaps larger and wider arrangements could be made which would be more satisfactory than those now in force”. According to the communique issued at the close of the meeting, however, the ministers “unanimously concluded … that to attempt to enlarge its membership would not contribute directly and materially” to the strengthening and defense of the ANZUS area. The communique pointed out that ANZUS was one of a number of arrangements for the furtherance of the security of the nations of the area; specifically the communique mentioned the mutual security pacts between the United States and the Philippines and Japan, United States defense understandings with the government of China on Formosa and the relationship of Australia and New Zealand with the other Commonwealth nations. Together, the communique noted, these arrangements ‘constitute … a solemn warning to any potential aggressor and represent the growing foundation for lasting peace in the Pacific”.


Author(s):  
Ramon R. Tuazon ◽  
Therese Patricia San Diego Torres

In the Philippines, the assault on the press has gone digital. While Filipino journalists continue to face physical, verbal, and legal threats and attacks, cyber-attacks and online harassment/trolling were identified in 2018 as the second worst threat against them, after low wages and poor working conditions, according to the International Federation of Journalists and the Southeast Asia Journalist Unions. Websites of news outlets have also been hacked and taken down. These challenges make the press vulnerable to self-censorship and may even lead to fatal outcomes. This chapter seeks to fill the gap in the literature on the digital types of assault on the Philippine alternative press, focusing on the experience of alternative news media outlets—independent media particularly critical of the government. It explores the range of such threats and attacks and the responses, legal frameworks, and remedies in place that are used to combat dangers of this nature.


1992 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saki Dockrill

The death of Hirohito on 7 January 1989 provided the Japanese with an opportunity of reappraising the Showa era, as Hirohito's reign is called in the Japanese calendar. This lasted for sixty-two years, which the press described as years of ‘turmoil and drastic changes.’ While the role of the Emperor and, to a greater degree, the role of the military in imperial Japan have been long-running themes for historians, intellectuals, and journalists, Hirohito's death certainly encouraged the publication of a large number of books, including reprints of works about the Pacific War, from semi-official histories, the memoirs of some of the leading decision makers and a series of histories of Japan from 1868 to 1945. Television programmes showed for two full days panel discussions by historians and documentary films of the Showa era—a series of bloody wars in China and eventually with the Americans, the British and the other Allied powers, leading to unconditional surrender and occupation.


Author(s):  
Wen-Qing Ngoei

This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast Asia intersected with pre-existing local antipathy toward China and the Chinese diaspora to usher the region from European-dominated colonialism into U.S. hegemony. Between the late 1940s and 1960s, Britain and its indigenous collaborators in Malaya and Singapore overcame the mostly Chinese communist parties of both countries by crafting a pro-West nationalism that was anticommunist by virtue of its anti-Chinese bent. London’s neocolonial schemes in Malaya and Singapore prolonged its influence in the region. But as British power waned, Malaya and Singapore’s anticommunist leaders cast their lot with the United States, mirroring developments in the Philippines, Thailand and, in the late 1960s, Indonesia. In effect, these five anticommunist states established, with U.S. support, a geostrategic arc of containment that encircled China and its regional allies. Southeast Asia’s imperial transition from colonial order to U.S. empire, through the tumult of decolonization and the Cold War, was more characteristic of the region’s history after 1945 than Indochina’s embrace of communism.


Author(s):  
Mauricio Rubilar Luengo

ResumenLa prensa sudamericana, en particular la de Buenos Aires, tuvo un amplio y heterogéneo desarrollo en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, resultado y expresión de diversas orientaciones políticas, caracterizándose por ser una prensa de opinión, doctrinaria, de trinchera y cada vez más informativa en virtud de los acontecimientos que marcaron el desarrollo de las sociedades latinoamericanas. Uno de esos eventos trascendentales a nivel regional fue la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentó a Chile contra la alianza de Perú y Bolivia. Este conflicto adquirió una importante dimensión internacional y generó un permanente interés informativo en la prensa argentina. Por consiguiente, el artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la actitud discursiva que adoptó parte de la prensa de Buenos Aires al momento de analizar y juzgar la conducta de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico. Planteamos la existencia de un “negativo imaginario internacional” que sematerializó en la formulación de un discurso periodístico que asignó a Chile y a los chilenos una conducta bélica “agresiva, expansionista y opuestaa los principios de la civilización”, la cual amenazaría potencialmente losintereses nacionales argentinos en el contexto de las disputas limítrofes entre ambos países.Palabras clave: Guerra del Pacífico; Argentina; Prensa; Opinión Pública“The american Prussia”: Argentinian press and international imaginary in Chile during the War of the Pacific (1879-1881)AbstractThe South American press, particularly in Buenos Aires, had a large and heterogeneous development in the second half of the Nineteenth Century, as a result and expression of different political persuasions, characterized by being a press of opinion, doctrinaire, of trench and increasingly informative under the events that marked the development of Latin American societies. One of those transcendent events at the regional level was the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) where Chile fought against Peru and Bolivia alliance. That conflict acquired an important international dimension and created a permanent information interest in Argentina press. Therefore, the article aims to characterize the discursive attitude adopted by part of the press of Buenos Aires at the time to analyze and judge the Chilean performance during the War of the Pacific. We propose the existence of an “international negative imaginary”, materialized in the formulation of a journalistic discourse that assigned to Chile and Chileans a war conduct that was “aggressive, expansionistand opposed to the principles of civilization”, which potentially threaten the national Argentine interests in the context of border disputes betweenthe two countries.Keywords: Pacific War; Argentina; press; public opinion“A Prussia americana”: imprensa argentina e imaginário internacional do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1881)ResumoA imprensa sul-americana, particularmente Buenos Aires, teve um amplo e heterogêneo desenvolvimento na segunda meta de do século XIX, resultado e expressão das diversas orientações políticas, com a característica de ser uma imprensa de opinião, doutrinária e de trincheira, cada vez mais informativa em virtude dos acontecimentos que marcaram o desenvolvimento das sociedades latino-americanas. Um desses acontecimentos importantes a nível regional foi a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentou a Chile contra a aliança de Peru e Bolívia. Este conflito adquiriu uma dimensão internacional importante e gerou um permanente interesse informativo na imprensa argentina. Portanto, o artigo tem como objetivo caracterizar a atitude discursiva adotada pela imprensa de Buenos Aires ao momento de analisar e julgar aconduta do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico. Propomos a existência de um “negativo imaginário internacional” que se materializou na formulação de um discurso jornalístico que atribuiu ao Chile e aos chilenos uma conduta bélica “agressivo, expansionista e oposta aos princípios da civilização”, aqual poderia ameaçar os interesses nacionais argentinos no contexto das disputas fronteiriças entre os dois países.Palavras-chave: Guerra do Pacífico; Argentina; Imprensa; Opinião Pública


Author(s):  
Danny Orbach

Imperial Japanese soldiers were notorious for blindly following orders, and their enemies in the Pacific War derided them as “cattle to the slaughter.” But, in fact, the Imperial Japanese Army had a long history as one of the most disobedient armies in the world. Officers repeatedly staged coups d'états, violent insurrections, and political assassinations; their associates defied orders given by both the government and the general staff, launched independent military operations against other countries, and in two notorious cases conspired to assassinate foreign leaders despite direct orders to the contrary. This book explains the culture of rebellion in the Japanese armed forces. The consequences were dire, as the armed forces dragged the government into more and more of China across the 1930s—a culture of rebellion that made the Pacific War possible. This book argues that brazen defiance, rather than blind obedience, was the motive force of modern Japanese history. The book follows a series of dramatic events: assassinations in the dark corners of Tokyo, the famous rebellion of Saigō Takamori, the “accidental” invasion of Taiwan, the Japanese ambassador's plot to murder the queen of Korea, and the military–political crisis in which the Japanese prime minister “changed colors.” Finally, through the sinister plots of the clandestine Cherry Blossom Society, we follow the deterioration of Japan into chaos, fascism, and world war.


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