Secessionist Surge

2020 ◽  
pp. 192-221
Author(s):  
William L. Barney

The states of the Lower or Cotton South seceded in January 1861 following the failure of the Crittenden Compromise and the seizure of federal property by their governors. Here, unlike in South Carolina, moderates initially mounted a strong opposition to immediate straight-out secession. Coalescing under the label of cooperationists, they hoped to delay secession while seeking redress for Southern grievances within the Union. Some called for a convention of all Southern states to present demands; others wanted a prior agreement to secede by blocs of states before any decisive steps were taken. Republican refusals to grant them any significant concessions destroyed any chances of their success. Led by upwardly mobile young planters and slaveholding lawyers, the immediate secessionists easily carried Mississippi and Florida, where slavery was still undergoing vigorous growth. Elsewhere, the contests for the secession conventions were quite close as older, established planters and non-slaveholders in the backcountry condemned secession as certain to provoke a war that would result in economic ruin and the end of slavery. In all the elections, support for secession was strongest where slavery was most dominant. Once their states seceded, the cooperationist delegates called for popular referendums on secession. When those calls were rejected, they joined the original secessionists in presenting a united front against the North.

2020 ◽  
pp. 136-164
Author(s):  
William L. Barney

South Carolina had been in the forefront of Southern radicalism since the 1820s, and it took the lead once Lincoln was elected. Pushing to the side the fire-eater Robert B. Rhett and his followers as extremists who would precipitate a war and isolate South Carolina from the other Southern states, moderate lowcountry planters orchestrated a propaganda campaign to achieve peaceful, orderly secession that would pull in the other slave states. Aware that any unified Southern response would be stymied by the temporizing of the Upper South, the secessionists relied on separate state secession to be achieved by popularly elected state conventions. Cooperation would follow among the seceded states. Invoking the horrors of forced emancipation and racial equality under Republican rule with appeals to restore the past glory of South Carolina during the American Revolution, secessionist ideology produced a mandate for immediate secession. To clinch the support of Charleston’s white workers, a harsh repression of free blacks forced many to leave and flee to the North for safety. Sons of planters rushed to join the cause and women in the planter class reveled in their new political role of advocates for secession. Banners, flags, and songs celebrated deliverance from Northern tyranny as workers and clerks flooded the streets of Charleston. Speed was of the essence to ensure that passions did not cool, and once the secessionists pressured the legislature to push the date of the election for convention delegates up to December 6, the state’s secession was a foregone conclusion.


Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl ◽  
Lars U. Scholl ◽  
Lars U. Scholl

This essay analyses the North Atlantic Cotton Trade through records of cotton arrivals at Liverpool, using two sets of data from 1830-1832 and 1853-1855. Using Customs Bills of Entry, Williams presents data of cotton receipts from the United States to Liverpool; quantities of bales exported; numbers of vessels; origin ports of vessels; distinguishes between regular and occasional cotton traders; arrivals at Liverpool by nationality; and vessel tonnage. He determines that the majority of vessels participated in the cotton trade seasonally, and suggests that the cotton trade was not self-contained, but part of a complex interrelationship within the North Atlantic trade system, encompassing commodity dealings, shipping employment levels, and the seasonal characteristics of cargo. The conclusion requests further scholarly research into the pattern of ship movements in the Atlantic. Two appendices provide more data, concerning arrival dates of regular traders in Liverpool, and the month of departure of cotton vessels from Southern states.


Author(s):  
William B. Meyer

In 1810, more than four in five Americans lived in one of the original thirteen seaboard states. Half a century later, though those states had grown considerably, they held less than half of the nation's population. The reason lay in the post-1815 rush of settlers beyond the Appalachians into the continental interior, "one of the great immigrations in the history of the western world." Chaotic though this movement was in many ways, it showed at least one orderly pattern. Individually these settlers followed many paths, but the typical ones moved due west, erring to the north or south only when their path was blocked by mountains or water or political boundaries or when they were pulled aside by the easier travel routes along navigable rivers. Most of the inhabitants of every inland state in i860 came from the states to the east within its own latitudes. It was mostly New Englanders and upstate New Yorkers—themselves mostly of New England origin—who occupied the territories and states bordering on British North America. They left the central and southern parts of Ohio and Indiana and Illinois mainly to settlers from the middle states and the Chesapeake. The frontier of the Deep South was colonized from the far southern coastal states much more than from Virginia or North Carolina, states that furnished Kentucky and Tennessee and Missouri with the bulk of their inhabitants. "Ohio Fever" swept the rural Northeast after 1815, followed by "Michigan Fever" in the 1830s, but it was "Alabama Fever" and "Texas Fever" that gripped the southern states. Modern research has documented what many Americans at the time spotted for themselves, what some who could agree on little else agreed was a constant truth of human behavior growing out of a basic law of climate-society relations. "The great law that governs emigration," announced a Massachusetts congressman during an argument against the spread of slavery, "is this: that emigration follows the parallels of latitude." It was "a great law of emigration," "fixed and certain," echoed a Louisiana editor in a defense of the South and its institutions, "that people follow the parallels of latitude." People were presumed to do so in order to avoid the change of climate that traveling north or south would have entailed.


Author(s):  
Barbara Barksdale Clowse

Working in four other southern states (Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi), Bradley chafed under scheduling and logistical pressures. World War I brought new opportunities for her when Julia Lathrop, the head of the Children’s Bureau, persuaded President Wilson to declare a “Children’s Year.” Then doctors working for the American Red Cross in France recruited Bradley to join them treating refugees and evaluating civilians’ health in war zones.


Author(s):  
James R. Watson

On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).


2001 ◽  
Vol 67 (11) ◽  
pp. 5308-5314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles R. Lovell ◽  
Michael J. Friez ◽  
John W. Longshore ◽  
Christopher E. Bagwell

ABSTRACT DNA was extracted from dry standing dead Spartina alterniflora stalks as well as dry Spartinawrack from the North Inlet (South Carolina) and Sapelo Island (Georgia) salt marshes. Partial nifH sequences were PCR amplified, the products were separated by denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis (DGGE), and the prominent DGGE bands were sequenced. Most sequences (109 of 121) clustered with those from α-Proteobacteria, and 4 were very similar (>99%) to that of Azospirillum brasilense. Seven sequences clustered with those from known γ-Proteobacteria and five with those from known anaerobic diazotrophs. The diazotroph assemblages associated with dead Spartina biomass in these two salt marshes were very similar, and relatively few major lineages were represented.


1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth C. Silva

The Constitution of the United States provides that each state shall appoint, in such manner as its legislature may direct, a number of presidential electors equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which the state is entitled in the Congress. The Supreme Court has ruled that this clause gives the state legislature exclusive power to decide the manner of choosing electors. Before 1832, several legislatures themselves selected the members of the state's electoral college, a practice followed by South Carolina until the Civil War. As every student of American government knows, in the period from 1788 to 1832, the popular selection of electors was established and real discretion on the part of electors in choosing a President and Vice President became a legal fiction. For a century, the practice has been for the electorate to choose a set of electors, who, it is understood, will legally confirm the decision already made at the polls.The automatic operation of the electoral college as a device for translating popular votes into electoral votes is now challenged, however, with the projection of the possibility of eighty “unpledged electors.” The governors of seven Southern states recently agreed that if the Democratic national convention nominates a presidential candidate advocating anti-segregation, anti-lynching, anti-poll tax, and fair employment practices legislation, they will attempt to keep the Democratic electoral votes of their states from being cast for such nominee. This possibility makes state laws regulating the nomination, election, and instruction of presidential electors of utmost interest and importance.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
NUNO LUÍS MADUREIRA

AbstractDifferences in natural endowments, in geographical conditions and in per capita income set up an historical bifurcation between northern states, with abundant renewable hydrological resources, and less well-endowed southern states. While the first embraced a model of electricity adding, with the embodiment of this form of energy in capital goods and intermediate goods, the second followed a path of electricity substitution, with mixed strategies of replacing inputs in established sectors of industry, public utilities, transport and private consumption. This article examines the different plans for and achievements of economic nationalism in the twentieth century and its consequences, discussing the possibility of reproducing in Portugal the pattern of the stimulus to industrial manufacturing of cheap electricity.


1938 ◽  
Vol 70 (12) ◽  
pp. 243-243
Author(s):  
Cyril F. Dos Passos

The latest revision of the North American Basilarchia (Gunder, 1934, Can. Ent. LXVI: 39) recognizes three races of archippus Cramer (1779, Pap. Ex. I, t. 16 a, b) i.e. a. archippus inhabiting southern Canada and the Atlantic states as far south as North Carolina and west to Illinois, a. floridensis Strecker (1878, Cat. p. 143) found from South Carolina to the tip of Florida and a. obsoleta Edwards (1882, Fapilio 2: 22) occuring in Arizona, Utah and New Mexico.


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