scholarly journals Middle America Reboots Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lara Putnam

Right after the 2016 elections, Americans in towns, cities, and suburbs organized to oppose the Trump administration and reactivate grassroots citizenship. This chapter discusses who the newly active citizens are and what they have been doing in their communities and in electoral politics. Most group participants are educated white women. They formed new connections and encouraged locally grounded civic engagement, and many spent weekends going door-to-door on behalf of Democratic candidates. In the 2018 elections, some groups in Democratic strongholds perceived incumbents as blocking the way to pro-democracy reforms. Meanwhile, their deep-red-district counterparts supported Democratic contenders against entrenched Republican incumbents. The ideological coordinates of candidates they supported were diverse, yet the underlying pattern was consistent: new activists fought for better government, up and down the ballot.

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-117
Author(s):  
Setiawan Gusmadi

This paper aims to explore deeply about civic engagement in strengthening environmental cares. Civic engagement refers to the way citizens participate in the life of a community to improve the condition of others or to help shape the future of society. The writing of this paper is supported by literature studies and relevant research journals in the form of national journals and international journals. Civic engagement is expected to strengthen the character of environmental care clean, healthy, comfortable, and cultured environment. Movement to improve the environment of a more effective society must be supported in terms of education that develops responsible, creative and knowledgeable society. Civic engagement becomes important to contribute in a community that moves to manage, preserve and preserve the environment such as the development strategy of the Mangrove Center Foundation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Shilyh Warren

This chapter explore matters of racial and ethnic difference and solidarity in films by white women and by women of color about communities of color. It argues that the films are most productively read as autoethnographies: studies of the mutual imbrication of selves and others, some individual and others collective, all of which are subject to the realities of gender, class, and race, albeit distinctly. In the context of political documentaries, just as in the conceptual battles over ethnography, matters of representation refract these tensions between inside and outside, self and other, us and them. Autoethnography is key to detecting the way women’s documentaries of the 1970s play a role in these ethical and political negotiations and the visions of justice they seek.


Author(s):  
Sahar Khamis

This chapter analyzes the role of new media, especially Internet-based communication, in accelerating the process of political transformation and democratization in Egypt. It analyzes the Egyptian media landscape before, during and after the 2011 revolution which toppled the regime of President Hosni Mubarak. In the pre-revolutionary phase, the eclectic and paradoxical political and communication landscapes in Egypt, and the role that new media played in paving the way for the revolution, is discussed. During the 2011 revolution, the role of new media, especially social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, is highlighted in terms of the multiple roles they play as catalysts for change, avenues for civic engagement, and platforms for citizen journalism. In the post-revolutionary phase, the multiple changes and challenges exhibiting themselves after the revolution are analyzed, especially the divisiveness between different players in the Egyptian political arena and how it is reflected in the communication landscape.


Author(s):  
Terri Seddon

This paper uses three examples of educational innovation emerging in the contemporary context of market-liberal reform as a focus for exploring the patterns and possibilities of civic formation. The first part of the paper contextualises contemporary civic formation within the long historic struggle between capitalism and democracy, highlighting the way citizen learning is being reconfigured as markets and state are mediated by community interests. The last section attempts to draw out the key features of this community-based citizen learning and its implications for citizen learning and action. This discussion provides a basis for clarifying the kind of civic and citizenship education that is needed to take community-based learning beyond localism towards formal civic engagement that can sustain and protect democracy. The idea of a learning citizen is suggested as a way of conceptualising and acknowledging the contradictions within this citizenship agenda that holds the imperatives of lifelong learning in tension with the imperatives of educating citizen.


Antiquity ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 14 (54) ◽  
pp. 117-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Grahame D. Clark

The dictum of Clark Wissler that ‘New World culture is [thus] a kind of pyramid whose base is as broad as the two Americas and whose apex rests over Middle America’ is one of those brilliant generalizations which at once sum up the conclusions already reached, and point the way to further progress.From the vantage of today one may agree with A. V. Kidder (22, p. 145) that American archaeologists have been unduly neglectful of the broad base of their pyramid. Yet itwould be churlish to blame them when the apex was so enticing, so rich, so bizarre and above all so enigmatic. Indeed, when men first descried the peaks of Maya, Mexican and Peruvian achievement, it seemed hard to connect them with the lowly foot- hills of cultural attainment familiar in the temperate latitudes of the western hemisphere. Until the underlying unity of civilization in the New World was recognized, its pyramidal structure could hardly be appreciated; in default of this it is easy to understand how archaeologists tended to neglect cultures, which, however interesting they may appear to us from the historical angle, must have appeared to them as intrinsically poor and dull. Then again it was only on the edges of the pyramid that the foundation layer was visible; elsewhere it was buried under a superstructure, massive in proportion to its attractiveness.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zuzana Petrovičová ◽  
Jan Šerek ◽  
Michaela Porubanová ◽  
Petr Macek

AbstractPresent study sheds more light on the conceptualization of citizenship and civic engagement among majority and minority youth. In order to understand the meanings of citizenship, fourteen focus groups were conducted with young people aged 16–26, with both civically engaged and disengaged young ethnic Czechs, Roma, and Ukrainians. Results suggest that young people understand the citizenship as having multiple dimensions (legal and personal, and in terms of rights and responsibilities) and civic engagement as being focused on various aspects. The way people described their position within society was influenced by the social background and mirrored in the views on full citizenship.


2019 ◽  
pp. 240-273
Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

The chapter reflects upon the money–politics nexus in the Indian Parliament and parliamentary/electoral politics. It focuses attention on issues of corruption and on the effects of money on garnering resources for influence: election expenses, asset accumulation, and spending of MP Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS). The chapter assesses how money is seen and spent, on and by women MPs. The concern here is to examine how money plays a part in the gendered life of Parliament. While corruption in an important issue for accountability, the chapter shows how it is constructed in gendered ways. While women garner fewer monetary resources than men, they are not particularly less corrupt, or more sensitive to the demands of their constituencies. At the same time, public commentary on women’s role as members of Parliament is particularly harsh and intolerant of their shortcomings—perhaps because women are burdened with expectations of care in the way that male politicians are not.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi ◽  
Spencer Wellhofer

This analysis challenges the consensus that, in post-war Italy the Catholic party [Democrazia Cristiana (Dc)], actively supported by the Catholic Church, fostered a process of vote nationalization. The paper, drawing upon a more fine-grained level of analysis, different statistical measures, and within and across regional models, provides a more nuanced interpretation. According to our analysis, although the Dc effectively acted as a homogenizing agent until the late 1970s, after that decade the processes of modernization and secularization fostered the decline of religious-based politics, and of the Dc itself. Such decline opened the way for the re-emergence of a territorial cleavage and a consequent dis-homogenization of Italian electoral politics. The paper demonstrated that the impact of modernization and secularization on the vote for the Catholic party is more significant considering the five Italy’s geo-political areas rather than the country as a whole. Moreover, the divergent path in the five areas testifies the re-emergence of territory in the Italian electoral behaviour. Territorial heterogeneity, modernization, and secularization were central to the collapse of the Dc.


1991 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 893-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Tanner

Between 1900 and 1918 the Labour party changed from being a new organization operating on the fringes of the Liberal party, to being the largest British opposition party. This change has attracted a great deal of historical attention. The analysis of electoral results in general, and municipal election results in particular, rightly plays a major part in the conflicting explanations of why this realignment took place. Negatively, this paper seeks to establish that many of the methods of examining electoral material common in the literature are in fact inadequate. It is also suggested, more positively, that despite problems with the way results are currently used, even a modestly elaborated treatment of municipal election results can reveal significant information about the origins and location of Labour's support. Accurate ‘quantification’ cannot of itself explain the rise of Labour, or the pattern of electoral politics more generally. It can, however, be an important component of broader attempts at establishing why political changes took place both in Edwardian Britain and in the still under-researched period between 1918 and 1931.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document